Now all roads lead to France and heavy is the tread
Of the living; but the dead returning lightly dance.
Edward Thomas, Roads

Thursday, January 16, 2020

The Albert Kahn Photographic Archive at War

There have been available color photos from the Great War in abundance. One source is from the collection of French financier Albert Kahn, who began a "geographic, topographic, and photographic mission" before the war to, basically, document the world. When war broke out, Kahn's staff requested permission from the military authorities to enter and photograph the zone affected by the conflict. Readers have probably seen a number of the photos from the Albert-Kahn Museum in Hauts-de-Seine, here and elsewhere. However as part of France's national centennial effort, many more images have been released and presented on the 14-18 Mission Centenaire website (CONNECT).  


This is a set of ten showing that I've never seen before from the huge collection.

1.  A Street Corner in Senlis



2.  Rue de Vitry, Sermaize (Marne)



3.  Reims, Near Cathedral



4.  75mm Artillery Casement, Conchy-les-Pots



5.  Two Soldiers View the Doller Valley (Alsace)



6.  French Cemetery, Holbach (Alsace)



7.  Lafayette and Washington, Place des Etats-Unis, Paris



8.  Two Yanks and Three Local Lasses, Hupack (Alsace)



9.  Single Shell Hole, LĂ©omont (Meurthe-et-Moselle)



10.  Gun Boat on the Yser Canal, Flanders



Wednesday, January 15, 2020

1916 and the Great War's Awful Reputation


36th Ulster Division Advancing at the Somme, 1 July 1916


By Editor/Publisher Mike Hanlon

Note:  The is a slightly edited version of a commentary I wrote for the Trip-Wire when we were commemorating the Centennial of the events of 1916.

Something I am sure I share with our regular readers is the experience of periodically encountering someone who finds our interest in the First World War baffling. Sometimes this means members of the family. At our (happily infrequent) gatherings I have one female relative who never passes on the opportunity to ask in front of the assembled group, "How can you spend so much time on something so STUPID?" Another, an in-law, now dearly departed, used to regularly kick in, "You know, you picked the only war, you can't make any money at!" [Sadly, he had "gone west" by the time I actually got a check from the U.S. Postal Service for consulting work on a commemorative stamp issue, but he probably would have laughed at its amount anyway.]

Moving on, I've tried many responses to such skeptics over the years, from invoking George Kennan's "Seminal event of the 20th century" to my own view, "It's just bloody fascinating," followed by lots of specific examples. Alas, nothing seems to make a dent on their attitudes. Recently I've tried to turn the tables and have probed for the source of their disdain for the events of 1914–1918. First, of course, one usually has to deal with the modern [or post-modern] abysmal lack of appreciation for the past, the flushing of all of human experience down some enormous 1984-ish memory hole. However, I've learned to force myself to tiptoe around that sore point, fighting off my own tendency to rant about the cult of political correctness, the enduring sins of the 1960s' New Left, and the dumbing-down of American education. My recent attempts go something like this composite conversation:

MH: What do you find particularly off-putting about WWI?
XX: Trench warfare. It was bad, bad, bad. . . And the generals were idiots and didn't care how many men they lost.

MH: Do you know of an episode that demonstrates that?
XX: Yes, there was the time when a whole British army went over the top and got machine gunned down in no-man's-land. It was the worst day in England's history.

MH: Well, what you are describing there is the first day of the Battle of the Somme in 1916, and it was, indeed, a terrible day. Are there any similar cases you might have heard about? The war lasted over four years, after all.
XX: The French had some battle [Verdun] that was so bad, the next time the generals ordered them to attack [Nivelle offensive] they baaed like sheep and refused to go. And then there was Flanders [Passchendaele].

MH: What about Flanders?
XX: They had to fight in the MUD! Mud is bad, bad, bad. . . You can drown in mud. Did you know that?

MH: Well, yes. I think I do.
XX: And what about the GAS?

MH: (At this point, since gas is bad, bad, bad, I usually throw in the towel.)

Note that, despite my best efforts, I still inevitably find myself on the defensive in such exchanges. I've really got to work on my technique. Maybe I should watch more of the presidential debates. There is one odd aspect of these probes, though, that I've tried to reflect here. The events of 1916, most specifically the Somme, but also including Verdun—reinforced in vague fashion by the Nivelle and Passchendaele offensives of 1917—define the Great War for many folks. 

None of the events of the other years or fronts of the war seem to have made any impression. This appears to me to be especially true for people who are averse to studying history or consider the past irrelevant to their lives. Nonetheless, certain facts about the war are selected and they are magnified and distorted beyond recognition. Curiouser and curiouser.  MH

Tuesday, January 14, 2020

Aero-Neurosis: Pilots of the First World War and the Psychological Legacies of Combat


by Mark C. Wilkin
Pen and Sword, 2019
Peter L. Belmonte, Reviewer

German Ace Ernst Udet

For many, World War I aviation conjures up images of daring pilots dogfighting in biplanes, their white scarves flapping in the slipstream. But the devil-may-care attitudes adopted by some pilots masked the stresses and horror of air combat. Beneath the veneer of derring-do many men wrestled with demons brought forth by their experiences. In Aero-Neurosis: Pilots of the First World War author Mark C. Wilkins examines the flying history of six men against the backdrop of the stresses of World War I combat aviation. In doing so, Wilkins seeks to "match expert testimony and medical opinions of the time as closely as possible with the case studies included where applicable" (p. x).

Wilkins presents the stories of six men: Elliott Springs (American), William Lambert (American flying with the British Royal Air Force), Roy Brown (Canadian), Ernst Udet (German), Edward [Mick] Mannock (Irish), and Georges Guynemer (French). The author, a historian and museum professional who has worked for the Smithsonian Institution, Mystic Seaport, and the Cape Cod Maritime Museum, quotes heavily from the memoirs and biographies of these pilots. This is too small a sample size to make any positive assertions beyond the obvious fact that air combat during World War I was very stressful. How individuals handled that stress differed, as Wilkins acknowledges: "Each man responded to the crucible of war differently according to his latent and manifest qualities" (p. 138).

The initial chapters cover the rise of nationalism and the growth of mechanization in warfare that ushered in the 20th century. The development and improvement of machine guns, submarines, poison gas, and aircraft all presaged the horrors of the Great War. Just as aviation was in its infant stage at the start of the war, so too was aviation medicine. Combat tactics, airplane design, and the different roles of military aircraft developed alongside the understanding of how all of this affected aircrew. As Wilkins states, "Really what happened to these fliers was a synthesis of shell shock and flying—or a mechanized warfare in the air—both were new to the human experience" (p. 29).

After a six-chapter "introduction," Wilkins covers each of the pilots in turn. The men all had similar combat experiences, but of course they all fared differently. Wilkins uses memoirs, letters, and diaries, among other primary sources, to describe the men's wartime experiences. Both Springs and Lambert suffered "nervous breakdowns" and had to be temporarily hospitalized. Brown suffered from various physical and emotional ailments, and he too was hospitalized. Udet was a sensitive man who deeply felt his own inadequacies despite his success. Mannock was physically and emotionally affected and, prior to his death in action, took increasingly dangerous chances. Guynemer was a French national hero who did not like the attention; he also was killed in action. Using the sources mentioned above, Wilkins recounts some of the air battles the men fought as well as some of their emotional struggles on the ground.

Mick Mannock, VC, on Leave
Just Before His Death
A modern-day description of flying a Fokker E. III replica, written by a pilot of vintage aircraft, leaves one wondering how these men could fly effectively in combat a century ago. The physical and mental stresses of the endeavor must have been debilitating after a while. In connection with the outward appearance of sangfroid, Wilkins quotes Taffy Jones, a pilot with the Royal Flying Corps (RFC): "In the mess [where officers met to eat and socialize] it was an unwritten law for pilots to forget their sorrow and assume a cheerfulness which gave the impression of 'living for the day.'" (p. 110).

In the end, Wilkins concludes that, as stated above, each man handled the horrors he was exposed to differently, even though there were some similarities (such as an aversion to strafing missions). Perhaps the best one can say about it is that "aviation psychiatry evolved with the war and was frustrated by inadequate diagnosis, treatment, and infrastructure but these improved by the war's conclusion" (p. 137).

Thirty photographs illustrate the men and machines covered in Aero-Neurosis: Pilots of the First World War. The end notes and two-page bibliography will be helpful to readers who want to learn more about the subject. This is not a history of wartime aviation psychiatry, aviation physiology, or flight medicine. Rather it is a case study of six men and how the stresses of combat flying affected them. There is probably not much in this book that will be new to dedicated students of the air war, so it will probably appeal mostly to those who are new to the study of World War I air combat and to those who want to read about how abnormal stresses affected these airmen.

Peter L. Belmonte

Monday, January 13, 2020

The Tate in 2018: Aftermath—Art in the Wake of World War One


Still from Film by Jacob Read
It seems like every serious art gallery in world [Note to self: check the Hermitage] did an exhibit on the Great War during the recent Centennial. London's Tate Gallery emphasized (in their words) how artists responded to the physical and psychological scars left on Europe. The selections shown here are some of the most affecting I've been able to find on the Internet. Don't look for cheeriness. 

Click on Images to Expand



1.  Otto Dix
Prostitute and Disabled War Veteran, Two Victims of Capitalism, 1923




2.  Sir William Orpen
A Grave in a Trench, 1917




3. André Mare
Survivors, 1929




4. George Grosz
Grey Day, 1921




5. Winifred Knights
The Deluge, 1920




6.  Paul Citroen
Metropolis, 1923




7.  William Roberts
The Jazz Club (The Dance Party), 1923




8.  Otto Griebel
The International, 1928–30




9.  Paul Jouve
Grave of a Serbian Soldier at Kenali 1917, 1917

Sunday, January 12, 2020

James Norman Hall Under Fire at Loos


Hall in British Uniform
On 25 September 1915 the British launched their largest offensive to date at Loos. Altogether, the British Army suffered over 50,000 casualties at Loos, almost double the number of German losses. Among those who survived the failed attack was James Norman Hall, a 1910 graduate of Grinnell College from Colfax, Iowa. He had worked in Boston as an agent for the Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children before vacationing in Britain in the summer of 1914. Swept away by the “spirit of adventure,” Hall claimed to be Canadian so that he could enlist in the British army that August. Trained as a machine gunner, he served with the 9th Royal Fusiliers at Loos before being discharged in December 1915, when his true nationality was revealed. He returned to the United States, published his memoir, Kitchener’s Mob: The Adventures of an American in the British Army, and then went back to France, where he would fly in the Lafayette Escadrille. 

Death comes swiftly in war. One’s life hangs by a thread. The most trivial circumstance saves or destroys. Mac came into the half-ruined dugout where the off-duty machine gunners were making tea over a fire of splintered logs. 

“Jamie,” he said, “take my place at sentry for a few minutes, will you? I’ve lost my water-bottle. It’s ’ere in the dugout somew’ere. I’ll be only a minute.” 

I went out to the gun position a few yards away, and immediately afterward the Germans began a bombardment of our line. One’s ear becomes exact in distinguishing the size of shells by the sound which they make in traveling through the air; and it is possible to judge the direction and the probable place of their fall. Two of us stood by the machine gun. We heard at the same time the sound which we knew meant danger, possibly death. It was the awful whistling roar of a high explosive. We dropped to the floor of the trench at once. The explosion blackened our faces with lyddite and half-blinded us. 

Opening Attack at Loos  
It Was the First Use of Gas by the British in the War

The dugout which I had left less than a moment ago was a mass of wreckage. Seven of our comrades were inside. One of them crawled out, pulling himself along with one arm. The other arm was terribly crushed and one leg was hanging by a tendon and a few shreds of flesh. 

“My God, boys! Look wot they did to me!” 

He kept saying it over and over while we cut the cords from our bandoliers, tied them about his leg and arm and twisted them up to stop the flow of blood. He was a fine, healthy lad. A moment before he had been telling us what he was going to do when we went home on furlough. Now his face was the color of ashes, his voice grew weaker and weaker, and he died while we were working over him. 

High explosive shells were bursting all along the line. Great masses of earth and chalk were blown in on top of men seeking protection where there was none. The ground rocked like so much pasteboard. I heard frantic cries for “Picks and shovels!” “Stretcher-bearers! Stretcher-bearers this way, for God’s sake!” The voices sounded as weak and futile as the squeaking of rats in a thunderstorm. 

When the bombardment began, all off-duty men were ordered into the deepest of the shell-proof dugouts, where they were really quite safe. But those English lads were not cowards. Orders or no orders, they came out to the rescue of their comrades. They worked without a thought of their own danger. I felt actually happy, for I was witnessing splendid heroic things. It was an experience which gave one a new and unshakable faith in his fellows. 

The sergeant and I rushed into the ruins of our machine-gun dugout. The roof still held in one place. There we found Mac, his head split in two as though it had been done with an axe. Gardner’s head was blown completely off, and his body was so terribly mangled that we did not know until later who he was. Preston was lying on his back with a great jagged, blood-stained hole through his tunic. Bert Powel was so badly hurt that we exhausted our supply of field dressings in bandaging him. We found little Charlie Harrison lying close to the side of the wall, gazing at his crushed foot with a look of incredulity and horror pitiful to see. One of the men gave him first aid with all the deftness and tenderness of a woman.

British Troops at Loos Advancing Through the Gas

The rest of us dug hurriedly into a great heap of earth at the other end of the shelter. We quickly uncovered Walter, a lad who had kept us laughing at his drollery on many a rainy night. The earth had been heaped loosely on him and he was still conscious. 

“Good old boys,” he said weakly; “I was about done for.”

In our haste we dislodged another heap of earth which completely buried him again, and it seemed a lifetime before we were able to remove it. I have never seen a finer display of pure grit than Walter’s. 

“Easy now!” he said. “Can’t feel anything below me waist. I think I’m ’urt down there.” 

We worked as swiftly and as carefully as we could. We knew that he was badly wounded, for the earth was soaked with blood; but when we saw, we turned away sick with horror. Fortunately, he lost consciousness while we were trying to disentangle him from the fallen timbers, and he died on the way to the field dressing-station. Of the seven lads in the dugout, three were killed outright, three died within half an hour, and one escaped with a crushed foot which had to be amputated at the field hospital. 

The worst of it was that we could not get away from the sight of the mangled bodies of our comrades. Arms and legs stuck out of the wreckage, and on every side we saw distorted human faces, the faces of men we had known, with whom we had lived and shared hardships and dangers for months past. Those who have never lived through experiences of this sort cannot possibly know the horror of them. It is not in the heat of battle that men lose their reason. Battle frenzy is, perhaps, a temporary madness. The real danger comes when the strain is relaxed. Men look about them and see the bodies of their comrades torn to pieces as though they had been hacked and butchered by fiends. One thinks of the human body as inviolate, a beautiful and sacred thing. The sight of it dismembered or disemboweled, trampled in the bottom of a trench, smeared with blood and filth, is so revolting as to be hardly endurable. 

And yet, we had to endure it. We could not escape it. Whichever way we looked, there were the dead. Worse even than the sight of dead men were the groans and entreaties of those lying wounded in the trenches waiting to be taken back to the dressing-stations. 

“I’m shot through the stomach, matey! Can’t you get me back to the ambulance? Ain’t they some way you can get me back out o’ this?” 

“Stick it, old lad! You won’t ’ave long to wite. They’ll be some of the Red Cross along ’ere in a jiffy now.” 

“Give me a lift, boys, can’t you? Look at my leg! Do you think it’ll ’ave to come off? Maybe they could save it if I could get to ’ospital in time! Won’t some of you give me a lift? I can ’obble along with a little ’elp.” 

“Don’t you fret, sonny! You’re a-go’n’ to ride back in a stretcher presently. Keep yer courage up a little w’ile longer.” 

Some of the men, in their suffering, forgot every one but themselves, and it was not strange that they should. Others, with more iron in their natures, endured fearful agony in silence. During memorable half-hours, filled with danger and death, many of my gross misjudgments of character were made clear to me. Men whom no one had credited with heroic qualities revealed them. Others failed rather pitiably to live up to one’s expectations. It seemed to me that there was strength or weakness in men, quite apart from their real selves, for which they were in no way responsible; but doubtless it had always been there, waiting to be called forth at just such crucial times. 

During the afternoon I heard for the first time the hysterical cry of a man whose nerve had given way. He picked up an arm and threw it far out in front of the trenches, shouting as he did so in a way that made one’s blood run cold. Then he sat down and started crying and moaning. He was taken back to the rear, one of the saddest of casualties in a war of inconceivable horrors. I heard of many instances of nervous breakdown, but I witnessed surprisingly few of them. Men were often badly shaken and trembled from head to foot. Usually they pulled themselves together under the taunts of their less susceptible comrades. 

From Kitchener’s Mob (1916), Selected in World War I and America

Saturday, January 11, 2020

Friday, January 10, 2020

The Life of an MP of the AEF



Contributed by Bruce Jarvis,  Co-editor of Over There with [M.P.] Private Graham


As an ex-MP myself, I can confirm that there are two categories of MPs: garrison and field. Most people think of the garrison type with their night-sticks and shiny boots, but nearly half of the MP Corps (then and today) are made up of the field type who direct tactical traffic, perform patrols, physical security, and POW escort duties. Of course, after the Armistice most of the MPs transitioned to garrison duty breaking up bar fights, apprehending AWOLs, and harassing soldiers who did not show enough military bearing.  Here is an excerpt from the memoirs of Pvt. William Graham, an MP with 28th Pennsylvania Division, that captures the duties he performed in combat. It's followed by a poem he composed after the war in reflecting on his service in France.

Tuesday, August 13th, 1918
At 4:30 a.m., the artillery was firing. The roaring of the guns was enough to deafen a man. The sky was lit up with flames for miles and miles around. A large fire was burning in a town several kilometers from us. I suppose the Hun set fire to this place before he retreated which is one of his destruction methods...leaves
nothing standing...destroy everything in his path.

After breakfast, I was sent to Courville to patrol a road which passes through a valley leading to the town of Arcis-le-Ponsart. There were quite a number of troops traveling on this road heading for the lines. During my tour of duty, I came in contact with quite a number of boys from the west. All seemed happy and full of spirit although they were going to a place they knew men were being killed and wounded. 


I overheard several remarks from some of the boys in regard to the duties of a Military Policeman such as “Who won the war?...The MP’s...Who sent over the barrage? The Y.M.C.A. ?” There is no doubt some of the Military Police outfits have never heard a shot fired nor a bomb explode when dropped from an air-o-plane. I know these boys have a feeling toward a Military Policeman which no doubt dates back to their camp life, but I do know this...That the Military Police outfit of the 3rd, 26th 32nd and 28th Divisions have certainly done their part in this war so far.

Standing on the roads under shell fire and gas, directing the many thousands of troops to a safe place during the shelling, and never leaving his post of duty...he saw that the other men were placed in a safe and secure woods or dugouts out of harm’s way of the shells...and I have known them to ride the roads in total darkness.

Not as a company but alone…watching and waiting to lend a helping hand to any who may need assistance and how this lone M.P. would strain his eyes and his ears for any sound which was of German tongue concealed in the underbrush along the roadways...always on the alert to sound a word of warning to those he thought might be in danger from shell fire and gas.

No doubt these same boys used to think him (the M.P.) pretty important when he first showed up in the training camps at home or in some base port towns with his brand new M.P. band on his arm and his lordly way of locking up even the Top Sergeant if the top kicks got drunk. Yet he seemed even more important on the outskirts of Chateau Thierry when he appeared to suspect everyone in American uniform of being a German spy (and several good catches were made.) and when his brow was furrowed from his anxiety lest a car carrying a lot of perfectly good officers should take the wrong road and drive innocently into German territory.

But in the Valley of the Marne, in the course of such a mighty drive as the American boys launched therefrom July 15th to the 28th, when the whole success of this battle can be measured and modified by the speed with which the big guns, ammunition and rations were rushed along after the doughboys, when a road tie up could strangle a whole battalion, then does the M.P. rise to his full height and stature. His dominant figure emerging above the sluggish streams of traffic...the effect of his work, for better or worse, is felt from one end of the battlefield to the other.


Play the game boys...obey the M.P.’s...do as you’re told by these men. They know more about the hardships of this war than most of you do...who are just stepping into the fray fresh from the states. Play the game fair and square boys and the M.P.’s will play the game in a square and manly manner with you. We have created a well organized traffic outfit. Every man has stood the test while shells and bombs have been dropped. Not one has been known to leave his post. And, into our hands rest many priceless American lives on the fullness and accuracy of our memory, on the swiftness of our decisions, on the squareness of our jaw. In a battle, many depend on us, so play the game fair boys. Give the M.P.’s credit for what they have done in this...the greatest war the world ever knew.

"The M.P. in France" by William J. Graham

Standing on the road filled with mud,
A field of carnage...a field of blood.
Where the Maxim Guns whine and the big guns roar,
In man’s modern improvement on hell...called war.

#2
He is no hero to look at, that I confess.
Cool and collected, but define less.
But where shots fly thickest, he doggedly stands,
Exposed to the shell fire from the enemy’s hands.

#3
For he gleans the roads where the trucks go by,
Shrapnel and shell piled up high.
And his outstretched hand saves many from death,
The drivers stop and hold their breath.

#4
From sunrise to sunset he’s on the alert,
Unprotected from dangers, but covered with dirt.
His duties performed with rhythmical pace,
Nothing is rushed, everything has its place.

#5
No matter what danger it may be,
Air raids...gas...tis his duty to see,
That the boys are awakened, that everyone’s warned,
That done, he feels satisfied...his duties performed

#6
Talk about heroes whose brave deeds shine,

On many a crimson battle line.
The soldier who wears...the M.P. on his arm,
Is daily a hero, saving others from harm.


Read our review of Pvt. Graham's Memoir, Over There with Private Graham HERE.

Thursday, January 9, 2020

The Cumulative Breakdown of Peace by 1914




From: "Militarization and Diplomacy in Europe Before 1914," by David Stevenson, International Security, Summer, 1997

By 1914 both Germany and Austria-Hungary and France and Russia were willing to court and, if need be, to accept a general war. The question remains: Where did this willingness come from?

The answer differs at the Balkan and continental levels. As for the first, the Hapsburg monarchy's South Slav problem had intensified for over a decade and peaceful solutions to it seemed exhausted. As for the second, Germany too was drawn increasingly to violent answers to its security dilemmas. With a faltering Austria-Hungary as its one reliable great power ally, it faced encirclement by the British-French-Russian combination. Its efforts to split the latter by diplomacy had failed, and the bonds of solidarity within the two blocs were tightening. Meanwhile the Anglo-German naval race lost impetus after 1912 and a land race between the armies of the Franco-Russian and the Austro-German alliances became the dominant feature of the European armaments scene. The Germans faced both diplomatic isolation and the prospect by 1917 of losing all hope of victory in a general European war, as their internal political deadlock over tax increases was likely to prevent them from raising the revenue needed to maintain their edge over their competitors. A final element undermining European stability was a growing popular awareness of heightened danger, which accentuated patriotic and warlike feeling. Political discourse contained more frequent references to an inevitable "next" war. All three developments—tightening alliances, armaments competition, and popular militarism—interacted after about 1911, and the Moroccan and Balkan crises intensified them.

This role of the crises was crucial. None of the prewar diplomatic confrontations in isolation could have exercised so powerful a galvanizing effect as did a succession of them, following on ever more closely, and each more acute than its predecessor. By 1914 it seemed that great power relations had become permanently more dangerous, and the short-term precautions taken during each crisis were paralleled by an underlying movement toward greater preparedness. The First Moroccan Crisis accelerated French and German re-equipment. The Bosnia Crisis sharpened armaments competition between Austria-Hungary and its South Slav neighbors. In Russia the legacy of the Bosnia Crisis resembled the "Munich complex" evident in the Western powers after 1938, and once tsarist military strength recovered, St. Petersburg was determined never to show such weakness again. As for the Agadir Crisis, it came at a pivotal moment when Russian and French military revival was already leading Berlin toward re-orienting its armaments policy. In the aftermath of the crisis both Germany and Britain began to keep much higher proportions of their battle fleets fully manned and permanently ready for action. But the new emphasis of the vast increase in German military spending that followed 1912 came on land. Finally, the First Balkan War led directly to a succession of major army laws in all the continental powers, directed primarily to raising the manpower of their standing armies and thereby the armies' strength and readiness. The purpose was not merely to safeguard against the danger of surprise attack but also to facilitate crisis management. . .

The breakdown of peace should therefore be seen as cumulative. It is true that July 1914 differed from previous crises because the Central Powers challenged the Triple Entente more radically and the differences between the blocs were harder to resolve by compromise. But the origin of the willingness to take such risks must be traced through the preceding decay in Balkan and continental European stability, to which the earlier crises had powerfully contributed. The prewar shift to more offensive strategic planning. . . must be located in the context of a broader complex of intensifying tension.

Wednesday, January 8, 2020

Remembering Dennis Showalter (1942–2019)

The distinguished military historian died on 30 December.  His output was massive, covering a vast range of periods and conflicts. His work on the First World War included a strong focus on the Eastern Front. His volume on Tannenberg is considered the most authoritative in the English language. Here is the professor giving a talk on the Eastern Front at the National World War One Museum: 

Tuesday, January 7, 2020

Bill Lambert: World War I Flying Ace


Capt. William Lambert, 24 Squadron RAF, alongside his S.E. 5a

by Samuel J. Wilson
McFarland and Company, Inc., 2016
SMSgt Christopher Wlodarczyk, USAF, Reviewer


William Lambert, from Ironton, Ohio, a recipient of the Distinguished Flying Cross, was  one of America's leading aces, behind the famous Eddie Rickenbacker. Like Rickenbacker, Lambert patrolled the dangerous skies over France during the Great War delivering justice to the Iron Cross. Unlike Rickenbacker, he served with foreign forces as a member of Britain's Royal Flying Corps, No. 24 Squadron. He joined the Royal Flying Corps in early 1917 and sailed for Britain after completion of his training, on 19 November 1917. The author explains that it was Lambert's love for aviation that drew him to service via Canada, where he championed flight training and proved himself combat-ready.
[N.B. In the same time frame of April 1918 through August 1918 Lambert accomplished 21.5 victories while Rickenbacker scored six.]

Bill Lambert: World War I Flying Ace includes a brief summary of the Wright brothers' struggle to make aviation possible. Readers unfamiliar with aviation terminology such as airfoil, wing warping, rudder, elevator control, and ailerons may find it difficult to follow the progress and accomplishments of early American aviation. However, the author, Samuel J. Wilson, does an exquisite job chronicling the life and times of this decorated fighter pilot of the First World War, who lived largely in the shadows of the more vocal aviators in early aviation.

Wilson is a history professor at the University of Rio Grande in Ohio. He is careful to cite the professional work and memoirs of Lambert, who kept a daily log during the war and published his own book, Combat Report. As Lambert's timeline advances through 1918, the author provides current events and Allied strategy to generate a more complete and much-needed battlefield picture. Though the citations can become a bit distracting, they provide comfort to the reader that this man's story and his conquests are true and accurate. He also provides corroborating support by examining available squadron historical records. The stories are vivid accounts of contact with the enemy, the perils of an inattentive pilot, and the successes of No. 24 Squadron. Pilots faced many challenges flying in an open cockpit and dealing with incessant system failures that plagued operations and degraded the spirits of eager fighter pilots such as Lambert.

Sadly, Lambert's involvement in the Great War ended abruptly and prematurely. He suffered from combat stress, or "shell shock," as it was diagnosed at the time. It is now termed post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). The chapter dedicated to his diagnosis and the condition is mind-opening and impactful for anyone who has experienced similar symptoms or knows someone who has struggled with this very real disease. PTSD affected Lambert and his character for the rest of his life of 87 years,  because the way he dealt with his problems was less than popular in the court of public opinion. The author is brutally honest in describing Lambert's personal side—his promiscuous behavior during his barnstorming days after the war and his stubbornness and crotchety demeanor later in life that only pushed friends and acquaintances away.

Back in RAF Uniform Later in Life
This book can spawn a greater interest in World War I aviation and America's first fighter pilots. The early machines may lack the appeal of modern-day air power with all of the bells and whistles of advanced technology, precision-guided munitions, and stealth technology. However, these dogfights—told from an ace's perspective—are real, engaging, and leave the reader in suspense. It is hard to put the book down as each encounter with the enemy keeps the pages turning, highlighting Lambert's 18 confirmed victories. It has the underpinnings of being a Hollywood production as Lambert advances to the edge of greatness, departing the Great War as America's leading ace only to be outdone by countrymen who were able to keep flying until the Armistice. It is an essential read for historians and aviation enthusiasts.

Lambert later served with the Army Air Forces in World War II. He retired in 1954 as a lieutenant colonel in the U.S. Air Force. He died in 1982, age 87, and is buried alongside his wife in his hometown of Ironton, Ohio.

Christopher Wlodarczyk

Editor's Notes.  Thanks to Joe Unger for making this available to us. A few revisions were made to the original for the sake of clarity.

Monday, January 6, 2020

Treating the Wounded


Two Wounded German Soldiers, Strasbourg 

By  Dr. Julie Anderson of the British Museum

The First World War created thousands of casualties. New weapons such as the machine gun caused unprecedented damage to soldiers’ bodies. This presented new challenges to doctors on both sides in the conflict, as they sought to save their patients’ lives and limit the harm to their bodies. New types of treatment, organization, and medical technologies were developed to reduce the numbers of deaths.

Caring for casualties

Casualties had to be taken from the field of battle to the places where doctors and nurses could treat them. They were collected by stretcher-bearers and moved by a combination of people, horse and cart, and later on by motorized ambulance "down the line." Men would be moved until they reached a location where treatment for their specific injury would take place.

Where soldiers ended up depended largely on the severity of their wounds. Owing to the number of wounded, hospitals were set up in any available buildings, such as abandoned chateaux in France. Often Casualty Clearing Stations (CCS) were set up in tents. Surgery was often performed at the CCS; arms and legs were amputated and wounds were operated on. As the battlefield became static and trench warfare set in, the CCS became more permanent, with better facilities for surgery and accommodation for female nurses, which was situated far away from the male patients.

Closing Off an Amputated Limb

Wounds to the extremities were so severe that many thousands of soldiers had to have limbs amputated. In France, a guillotine, a variation on the one used to cut off heads in the French Revolution, was used to amputate limbs. As traumatic as it was, amputation saved the lives of many men as it often prevented infection.

Infection was a serious complication for the wounded. Doctors used all the chemical weaponry in their arsenal to prevent infection. As there were no antibiotics or sulfonamides, a number of alternative methods were employed. The practice of "debridement"—whereby the tissue around the wound was cut away and the wound sealed—was a common way to prevent infection. Carbolic lotion was used to wash wounds, which were then wrapped in gauze soaked in the same solution. Other wounds were "bipped." "Bipp" (bismuth iodoform paraffin paste) was smeared over severe wounds to prevent infection.

Fragment of a Bullet Taken from a Wounded Serbian Soldier

Sickness and malingering

In addition to wounds, many soldiers became ill. Weakened immune systems and the presence of contagious disease meant that many men were in hospital for sickness, not wounds. Between October 1914 and May 1915 at the No. 1 Canadian General Hospital, there were 458 cases of influenza and 992 of gonorrhea amongst officers and men.

Wounding also became a way for men to avoid the danger and horror of the trenches. Doctors were instructed to be vigilant in cases of "malingering," where soldiers pretended to be ill or wounded themselves so that they did not have to fight. It was a common belief of the medical profession that wounds on the left hand were suspicious. In a secret report during the war, Colonel Bruce Seaton examined 1,000 wounds and injuries to Indian troops being treated at the Kitchener Hospital in Brighton to find out whether any of them were self-inflicted. After careful investigation, however, Seaton concluded that there was no evidence to support the theory of self-wounding among the Indian soldiers.

Emotional trauma

Wounding was not always physical. Thousands of men suffered emotional trauma from their war experience. "Shell shock,"as it came to be known, was viewed with suspicion by the War Office and by many doctors, who believed that it was another form of weakness or malingering. Sufferers were treated at a range of institutions. Officers went to Craiglockhart (near Edinburgh in Scotland), where they were treated by psychiatrists such as W H R Rivers, and the men went to hospitals such as Netley (near Southampton in England) or were placed in asylums. Treatment was vastly different at each institution. The officers at Craiglockhart were given therapies such as talking cures; the men at Netley were treated with more physical forms of "cure" such as physiotherapy.

Indian Soldiers Rehabilitating in England

Back home

If a wound was serious enough (the Blighty wound) it meant the soldier going back home to receive further treatment. The hospitals at home provided more technologically advanced treatment, away from the frantic activity of the care near the battlefield. Many soldiers had to have further surgery to clean up the hurried efforts of surgeons at the front. A number of therapies were available at the hospitals far away from the battlefield. In Britain, the wounded were cared for in a range of buildings around the country, from schools to stately homes. In some cases, suitable surroundings were deemed an important part of the recovery process. The Pavilion in the seaside town of Brighton was repurposed to provide a hospital for many of the wounded Indian troops. These men were considered particularly vulnerable to the cold winters in France and Belgium and were given electrotherapy to cure conditions believed to come on from cold weather.

A final cure



A final cure often took a long time and consisted of hours of therapy, rest, and recuperation. Massage and electrical therapy were some of the treatments provided to the wounded. Hospitals were places to convalesce from injury, and men also rested outside when the weather was clement. Sometimes they required more surgery, or physiotherapy and bed rest were prescribed. The object of the treatment was to get the men back to the trenches as quickly as possible, or to ensure that they were "invalided out" as fit as possible and would therefore only require a small pension, so that they did not cost their country a lot of money. Artificial limbs were provided to war veterans for free, as a reward for their service. However, one British report suggested that men were unwilling to use the cumbersome artificial limbs that were provided by the state, instead preferring to use crutches and a peg leg. Many men were left with permanent effects of wounding, unable to return to their prewar employment.

The First World War changed the ways that soldiers were cared for when they were wounded. New technologies including blood transfusion, control of infection, and improved surgery ensured that, although many men were permanently wounded, many more survived than died as a result of their injuries.

Source: The British Museum Website

Sunday, January 5, 2020

Private Kyler's First Visit to No-Man's-Land

Click on Image to Enlarge


Sgt. Donald Kyler was a soldier of the 1st Division's 16th Infantry Regiment. He was 16 years old when he enlisted in the Army in April of 1917.  A native of Whitley County, Indiana, he grew up on a farm in the small town of Collamer. With his parents' permission, he enlisted at Fort Wayne, Indiana.  Here is his account of his first patrol into no-man's-land. During the war, Kyler kept notes on his experiences. He was 17-and-a-half when the war ended, a hardened, professional soldier. Of the 250 soldiers initially assigned to Kyler's Company G, he was one of only ten who returned to the U.S. with the regiment in 1919, the rest having been wounded or killed. The location on the Western Front is not identified but was obviously early in the division's deployment, possibly around the St. Mihiel Salient.

After Pinaire and I had been off the listening post a few days Lieutenant Phipps organized a combat patrol. About 20 of us were selected and given detailed instructions as to what each man was to do. The plan was that we were to crawl out of our front line trench at night and take a position crossing the gully that I mentioned earlier. We would go through a gap in our wire and maintain absolute silence. It was essential that it be done smoothly and without attracting the enemy’s attention. If the enemy should now that an ambush was being prepared, our mission would be a failure and we would be the targets for heavy fire from machine guns and mortars. Two of our flank men were to be armed with automatic machine rifles. The rest of us were given daggers and pistols. The pistols were lent to us from others in the company who were armed with them in addition to their rifles. Everything that might rattle or shine was removed from our persons. We also smeared burnt cork and oil on our faces.

When it became dark enough we crept out as planned. The night was damp and chilly. We wore raincoats and belts with pistol holsters and dagger sheaths. Gas masks and helmets were left behind. Each of us had several magazines of pistol cartridges. We took a position with our center astride the gully, with each wing extending out from at an angle. We settled down to wait as inconspicuously as possible in the brush. We were all apprehensive and scared. It was miserable waiting there. The plan was to let the enemy patrol leader get past our center. Then Lieutenant Phipps was to fire, after which we were all to fire and the wings rush in to cut off the patrol’s retreat. The two automatic riflemen were to fire automatic bursts in the direction from which the patrol had come, while the rest of us were to charge in and assault the enemy at close range.

Occasionally, an illumination flare went up from the enemy’s line. During the time of its duration we were absolutely still, hardly daring to breathe. The slightest movement might attract attention. After a considerable wait, some of our nervousness had left us and a sort of numbness had come.

An American Patrol Enters No-Man's-Land

We were then just outside the enemy wire and nearer to their trenches than to our own. There was occasional firing up and down the line, as was usual at night, but none in our vicinity. Then  faintly at first, we could hear an enemy patrol approaching. They were entering our trap. Tensions rose. Then someone in our group made a sound like a suppressed cough. The enemy patrol leader stopped and stood still a moment or two, then gave a signal and the patrol retreated rapidly. Lieutenant Phipps fired and we all did likewise with as rapid fire as we were capable of.

Some of the enemy were hit and went down. With the exception of a few dead or wounded the enemy patrol escaped. They had not entered our trap far enough for us to cut them off. They probably carried some of their wounded with them. It would have been foolish for us to have pursued them. The lieutenant signaled for a rapid return to our lines.

We knew that as soon as the enemy patrol had gotten into their trench the whole area would be raked by intense fire. We had to get through the gap in our wire, and quickly. Several of our men got snarled in our wire. Some did not seem to realize the urgency of getting to cover quickly. If there ever was the necessity for haste, regardless of noise, it was then. If Sergeant Thompson had taught me anything, it was that now we should expect a hail of bullets at any moment.

I did not want to charge through the gap over or through the other men, though I could have done so. Instead, I kept urging and helping them through the narrow place. In so doing I got caught in some low lying tangled ground wire. While getting free of it an illumination rocket went up from the enemy trench, bathing the area in a bright light. I dived into a nearby shell hole. It was none too soon, because bullets began to hit the rim of that shell hole, and small stones, bits of rusty wire, wooden splinters, and dirt showered down on me from the bullet hits above. They kept sweeping that area for some time. I stayed in the bottom of the shell hole.

Our artillery fired a few shells into the area from which their machine guns were firing. The fire then ceased. I then had the problem of getting back to our own trench without being shot by our men. One does not crawl up to his own trench at night without some sort of an announcement: that is if he wants to live. Therefore, I crawled through the rest of our wire and again took cover. I whistled several times and called my name. But until I heard a reply I did not go nearer, and even then they had several rifles pointed at me when I got to the trench. 

 Source: Army Heritage Center Foundation’s Educational Series

Saturday, January 4, 2020

Recommended: How the Great War Shaped Caterpillar's Future

Holt Tractors on the Western Front


By RYAN DENHAM
NPR Broadcast from Illinois State University
9 March 2018

World War I was one of the deadliest and most destructive episodes in human history. But it also helped create something—Caterpillar. The company remains one of the largest companies in the world, a global brand with deep roots in Central Illinois. Caterpillar’s history is deeply linked to the Great War, according to Lee Fosburgh, supervisor of heritage services at Caterpillar, who is chiefly responsible for documenting and sharing its history. 

“Caterpillar really became the company it is today because of World War I,” Fosburgh said.

Caterpillar traces its origins to the 1925 merger between two California companies, Holt Manufacturing Co. and the C. L. Best Tractor Co. But that merger might not have taken place were it not for the war. Holt’s founder invented the iconic track-type tractor for agricultural use, among other creations. He also coined the phrase Caterpillar. He’s also the one who brought the company to Central Illinois, buying an existing plant in East Peoria in 1909 with less than 20 employees.

Major-General Sir Ernest Dunlop Swinton, right, a British army officer who helped develop the tank during WWI, with Benjamin Holt in California in 1918.

Holt’s equipment found its first non-agriculture use during the war, pulling artillery and wagons. He sold equipment to the British, French, and Imperial Russia even before the U.S. entered the war late, in 1917. That first non-agriculture use was a turning point for Caterpillar, Fosburgh said, setting the stage for the company’s entry into construction, road building, and other industries.

“You can really trace the roots back to World War I as a watershed moment of where these (machines) started to slowly flip to being used for non-agriculture purposes,” Fosburgh said.

Holt’s competitor was C.L. Best and his son, Daniel Best. While Holt was focused on war effort, Best picked up domestic market share and came up with some revolutionary technology, Fosburgh said. At the end of the war Holt was bigger, but Best was more profitable. By 1925, the merger made sense. Holt had a household name in Caterpillar, but Best had great machinery and a deeper management team. The two companies became one.

The Holt Office Building in East Peoria in 1917

Fosburgh manages Caterpillar’s archival collections, develops company heritage messaging, and curates historical exhibits at the Caterpillar Visitors Center in Peoria. Fosburgh states that it’s important for Caterpillar to record and share its history, primarily as a storytelling tool. Caterpillar’s position as a global brand is not some recent development, he said.

“A lot of people don’t really realize that over 100 years ago, our machines were on every continent but Antarctica. And now we talk about our machines are on every continent, including Antarctica,” he said.

Friday, January 3, 2020

"A Private" by Edward Thomas




Contributed by David F. Beer

Edward Thomas wrote essays and reviews before he turned to poetry under the influence of his American poet friend Robert Frost. In July 1915 he enlisted in the army as a private but was soon commissioned as a second lieutenant in the Royal Garrison Artillery. He was killed in action at Arras on 9 April 1917 after having been in France just three months. His poem “Roads” gives its name to our blog. Here is another of his poems, which I’ll discuss below.

A Private

This ploughman dead in battle slept out of doors

Many a frosty night, and merrily

Answered staid drinkers, good bedmen, and all bores:

'At Mrs Greenland's Hawthorn Bush,' said he,

'I slept.' None knew which bush. Above the town,

Beyond 'The Drover', a hundred spot the down

In Wiltshire. And where now at last he sleeps

More sound in France—that, too, he secret keeps.



A ploughman in civilian life, this soldier is now dead. Before the war he loved to go down to the pub, ‘The Drover’ and probably had more than enough to drink. Frequently he wouldn’t make it home, even on a frosty night. Instead, he’d "kip out" somewhere by the lane under some bushes. He called the spot “Mrs Greenland’s Hawthorne Bush,” probably a name he made up—since it was no one else’s business. Plenty of folks asked him where he slept, though, especially the more moderate pub goers who knew him, but who went home to bed on time—and who were not very interesting to him.



Many people gaze at the Wiltshire downs rising up behind the tavern, but they can never visually spot where the ploughman used to "crash." And now he’ll never tell—he always kept the place private just as he keeps the secret of death to himself. This secret, and his private bush where he slept, plus his rank when he dies, gives us the poem’s title.

Thursday, January 2, 2020

A Roads Classic: Sgt. Bill the Goat, 5th Infantry Battalion, CEF


[Editor's Note: Of our 2,400+ articles on Roads to the Great War, Bill the Goat ranks #5 in popularity among our readers.]

Contributed by Joyce Kennedy


The men managed to get the goat on board the SS Lapland and overseas to England, where they arrived in October 1914. They managed to keep him from being quarantined when they arrived and moved to Lark Hill Camp. Billy was smuggled to France in February 1915 by his "boys", who refused to leave him behind as ordered. Soon after he arrived at the front, Billy was caught nosing around the orderly room. The battalion roll was found to be missing and Billy was placed under arrest for theft when chewed remnants of the roll were found in his billet. A second arrest within a month for  charging on a superior officer put Billy into disfavor. 

However, all was forgiven when he distinguished himself in later battles. At Neuve Chapelle in February 1915 Billy was given the rank of sergeant. Later at Ypres, he was once found in a shell crater standing guard over a Prussian guardsman, in spite of the fact that he was bleeding from a shrapnel wound. Billy was also gassed during the Second Battle of Ypres and afterward disappeared. The men much feared that he had fallen into the hands of the Bengal Lancers from India, who were reputed to have a taste for goat curry. However, he was found, safe and sound. 

He got trench foot at Hill 63 in December 1915 and was shell-shocked at Hill 70 in April 1917 during the battle for Vimy Ridge, problems also suffered by many of his human comrades. He was wounded twice by shrapnel at Festubert. He is also credited with saving three people's lives, getting more shrapnel wounds in his neck in the process, for which he received the Mons Star. During a time of shelling, Sergeant Billy, possibly forewarned by his superior hearing, once butted a sergeant and two others into a mud-filled trench just before a shell exploded where they had been standing. Bill also received the General Service Medal and the Victory Medal.

When the Fighting Fifth got home to western Canada, Sergeant Bill led the parade. When he died, Bill was stuffed, mounted, and placed in the Saskatchewan Legislative Building. Eventually he was returned to Broadview, where he now has a place of honor in the Broadview Museum.

Source: The Canadian Veterinary Journal, November 1993