Now all roads lead to France and heavy is the tread
Of the living; but the dead returning lightly dance.
Edward Thomas, Roads

Monday, May 16, 2016

Television's Most Reliable Source of WWI Drama

For over 40 years one television program has regularly produced dramatizations focusing on the First World War.  In case Downton Abbey was your first experience with Masterpiece Theatre,  here are four series from the early days of the program back when Alistair Cooke hosted the Sunday night show with his memorable and incisive commentary.

The Unknown Soldier (Original Story) 


During World War I, a shell-shocked British soldier suffering from amnesia is found wandering amid the bodies and barbed wire of no man's land. Sent back to England to recuperate, he cannot remember who he is. The upperclass (Vera Brittain type) nurse responsible for his care begins to unravel the disturbing secret of his identity, even while falling deeply in love with him.

The Duchess of Duke Street, Season II (Original Story) 

Louisa Trotter (seated), Her Staff, and Favorite Guest

Louisa Trotter, wonderfully played by Gemma Jones, is the ex-scullery maid who became the confidante of kings. Her lover Charlie Haslemere is off to the front, The other residents of the now-famous Bentinck Hotel are all involved in World War I and its aftermath in assorted ways.  Character actor John Welsh steals many scenes as the cranky Crimean War veteran waiter of the Bentinck.

Lord Peter & The Unpleasantness at the Bellona Club by Dorothy Sayers

Inspector Parker of Scotland Yard Discussing the Case with Lord Peter

In the Bellona Club on Armistice Day 1922, General Fentiman snoozes peacefully away in his armchair, buried beneath his newspaper. Only someone discovers he isn't snoozing — he's actually dead and has been so for some nine hours. What looks at first like a routine death turns into a murder mystery and a whole series of "unpleasantnesses," all requiring the considerable talents of war veteran Lord Peter Wimsey, played definitively by Ian Carmichael, to untangle.

To Serve Them All My Days by R. F. Delderfield

Powlett-Jones Job Interview with Headmaster Herries

David Powlett-Jones (John Duttine), invalided out of the army by shell shock, arrives at Bamfylde School, unaware that his meeting with the Headmaster, Algy Herries (Frank Middlemass ), is about to alter the course of his life. Although David has never before been a teacher, he joins the boys' school faculty where his students are all from upper-class affluent families — unlike his own roots in a poor Welsh mining family. Set against the backdrop of social upheaval in the 1920s & '30s, the series covers Powlett-Jones's teaching career for more than two decades. He becomes an excellent educator, inspiring the boys with his own qualities of insight and idealism, qualities that help prepare him to send off his students to fight yet another war in 1939.

Source:  PBS Website

Sunday, May 15, 2016

Recommended: The 314th Infantry Descendants & Friends Website

This is one organization that is still highly active in remembering the Doughboys of the AEF.  The Descendants and Friends of the 314th are a group of people dedicated to honoring and preserving the story of their fathers, grandfathers, and family members in the First World War. 


The were originally organized as the Veterans of the 314th Infantry AEF. The veterans have since passed on, but they have not been forgotten. The group takes a broad view of the 314th to include the activities of its parent unit, the 79th Division. Their website includes a great amount of information on the division's training at Camp Meade, their very nifty memorabilia-filled memorial cabin that now rests at Valley Forge (shown above), operations in France, and details about the lives of the soldiers.  The image of the checkers set sent to the troops below is from their "Artifacts" section.


Also, see the information on their home page about their Memorial Day Commemoration on 29 May 2016 at the Washington Memorial Chapel, Valley Forge, Pennsylvania. 


Visit the site at:


Saturday, May 14, 2016

World War I Deaths by Nation as a Percentage of Population



Percentages by country as of 1914 borders:

Serbia: 24%

Ottoman Empire: 14%

Romania: 8.3%

France: 4.34%

Germany: 4.00%

Austria-Hungary: 3.7%

Greece: 3.5%

Bulgaria: 3.4%

Italy: 3.2%

Belgium: 1.9%

UK: 1.79%

Russia: 1.75%

New Zealand: 1.6%

Montenegro: 1.5%

Portugal: 1.49%

Australia: 1.25%

Canada: 0.9%

Newfoundland: 0.7%

South Africa: 0.15%

USA: 0.13%

India: 0.02%

Japan: 0.01%

The estimate of the deaths in the African and Asian colonies are pretty rough estimates as there was little record keeping undertaken in them. 

Source:  "Maps on the Web", 23 April 2016 Entry

Friday, May 13, 2016

Matched with His Hour: Faces of Britain at War

Now, God be thanked Who has matched us with His hour. . .

Rupert Brooke


Herbert Asquith

Tommies Near the Front

Vera Brittain

King George V


Admiral Sir John Jellicoe

General Lord Kitchener


T.E. Lawrence

Edith Cavell



Major-General Allenby


Edward Thomas

General Smith-Dorrien
Sir Edward Grey

J.R.R. Tolkien

David Lloyd George


Major Mick Mannock

Thursday, May 12, 2016

HMHS Plassy

Contributed by Kimball Worcester

I came across this fascinating needlework while trolling the Internet for something completely different. Plassy served as a troopship (HMTS) but also significantly as a hospital ship (HMHS).
She was a P & O ship designed for passenger service, was launched in 1900, and served throughout the war. In 1924 Plassy was sold and scrapped at Genoa.

See this fascinating short film of King George V aboard the Plassy in 1917 reviewing the nurses and staff:
http://www.criticalpast.com/video/65675049922_hospital-ship-Plassig_King-George-V_King-talks-with-nurses_staff-is-reviewed

A Truly Beautiful Example of a Sailor's Handwork




Postcard of HMTS Plassy



Detail of the Rather Good Embroidery Work









Wednesday, May 11, 2016

Inspired by the Great War: The Lincoln Shrine of Redlands, California



The Lincoln Shrine in Redlands, California, was a gift to the community from British immigrant Robert Watchorn. Watchorn was drawn to the oil business and made a fortune wildcatting and founding his own business. An admirirer of Lincoln, Watchorn was a devoted family man. He married Alma Jessica Simpson in Ohio in 1891. They had two sons, Robert Jr., who died in infancy, and Emory Ewart, who was born in New York City in 1895. Emory Ewart graduated from Hollywood High School in Hollywood, California, in 1913. Watchorn shared his admiration for Lincoln with his only surviving child. 

A frequent visitor with his parents to Europe, Emory was trapped in Germany for a brief period of time in 1914 when the conflict that would become known as the Great War broke out. Sharing his father’s affinity for Great Britain, the young Watchorn looked forward to American involvement in the war. In the summer of 1916 he completed officer training at Monterey, California. When President Woodrow Wilson convinced Congress to declare war on Germany in April of 1917 “in order to make the world safe for democracy,” Emory Ewart volunteered for the U.S. Army Air Service. After completing ground training at Berkeley, California, he sailed aboard the SS Aquitania for Europe. Before entraining for his final destination in Italy, he was able to enjoy a ten-day leave in Paris. In a letter later published in the Los Angeles Times, he wrote “Paris is like the smile on the face of the badly wounded.”

Caproni CA-3 Bomber Flown by American Pilots

The Italian Front in World War I witnessed incredible suffering. After three years of bloody trench warfare with Germany and Austria, Italy was on the verge of suing for peace. Italy’s allies — Great Britain, France, and the United States — rushed in reinforcements to bolster Italian morale. Included among these reinforcements was a contingent of several hundred American pilot trainees, under the command of then congressman, later New York mayor, Fiorello La Guardia. Although her army was not enjoying much success, Italy’s strategic aviation was widely regarded as being the best in the world in 1917. In particular, the tri-motor Caproni biplane bomber was highly respected. The United States, by comparison, had no military aviation and despite expending millions of dollars, very few American-produced aircraft would see service in the war. What America did have was tens of thousands of eager volunteers, including 21-year-old Emory Ewart Watchorn.

Lt. Emory Watchorn, USAS
After months of flight training in Foggia, Lt. Watchorn received his gold Royal Italian Air Force wings in the summer of 1918 and was assigned to the 13th Squadriglie (squadron). Based in Padua, Lt. Watchorn and his Italian comrades flew day and night bombing missions against Austrian airfields, railroad yards, and troop concentrations. On a night mission, Lt. Watchorn’s center engine was hit by anti-aircraft fire. He would receive a commendation for coolly executing a perfect emergency landing, saving his crew and the plane. The arduous flying conditions, open cockpits, and extreme cold took a toll on his health. Soon after Armistice Day, he contracted a severe case of pneumonia. He recovered, however, and returned to California in triumph. Two years later, a recurrence of his health problems developed into blood poisoning. After a two month struggle, Emory Ewart died at the age of 25 on 10 July 1921. Robert and Alma were devastated by the loss of their only surviving child and always felt that his death was a direct result of his service to his country.

Padua Airfield, Where Lt. Watchorn Served

Seeking a way to memorialize their fallen son, the Watchorns eventually settled on the concept of building the Lincoln Memorial Shrine in their winter home of Redlands. That vision became reality in 1932, when the one-room octagonal building opened. In 1937, fountains and limestone walls bearing Lincoln quotations were added to the octagon. Over the following decades, an ever-increasing wealth of acquisitions required additional space. Thanks to the generosity of Lincoln and Civil War enthusiasts throughout Southern California, more than one million dollars was raised and in 1998 two beautiful wings were added to the original octagon.

It is a unique facility — the only such museum and archive west of the Mississippi River dedicated solely to the study of Abraham Lincoln and the American Civil War. By placing the shrine in his adopted home of Redlands, Watchorn knew this monument of ideals would be available to the increasing number of people moving into Southern California. It was “accessible yet secluded,” he said.

Thanks to regular contributor Courtland Jindra for bringing this to our attention.

Article contents from the Lincoln Shrine website. (Corrections posted 12 May 2016.)

Tuesday, May 10, 2016

Trial by Gas: The British Army at the Second Battle of Ypres
reviewed by David F. Beer


Trial by Gas: The British Army at the Second Battle of Ypres
by George H. Cassar
Potomac Books, 2014


Far, far from Ypre-es I long to be, 
Where German snipers can't get at me, 
Damp is my dug-out, cold are my feet, 
Waiting for whizz-bangs to send me to sleep.
(WWI soldiers' song)

If there was anywhere that resembled hell during WWI, the Ypres Salient surely would be it. Cassar's book makes this abundantly clear by its thorough description of the geographical nature of the Salient, the combatants' lives and deaths there, and what he labels as the "weapon of horror" — gas. He also looks closely at the military actions that took place in April and May of 1915 and thus gives us an unusually precise view of the Battle of St. Julien (1–4 May), the three movements of the Battle of Frezenberg Ridge (8–13 May), and the final Battle of Bellewaarde Ridge (24–25 May), which represented the last effort of the Germans to capture Ypres and throw the British out of the Salient.

Informational Kiosk at Langemarck
Cemetery Just South of the Gas
Release Point on 22 April 1915
Despite the German failure to gain control of the Salient, the successful British, Canadian, and French resistance might be considered little more than a Pyrrhic victory. The battles themselves, plus defending the highly vulnerable Salient from then on, cost at least 100,000 dead whose graves are marked by over 100 military cemeteries. Much of this cost might have been avoided if the British had early abandoned what was a rather useless projection into German lines and fallen back to a straighter and more easily defended front. Why didn't they? Both emotional and political factors came into play. Too much blood had soon been invested in the area, and, after all, Ypres was the sole town in Belgium that the Germans didn't control. Thus the Salient became a permanent and dreaded "open graveyard" for British troops.

Germany had experimented with liquid benzyl bromide, similar to tear gas, early in the war to no effect. Thus, despite the Hague treaties and considerable ethical revulsion, a much stronger agent, chlorine gas, was developed. This was lethal, but Dr. Fritz Haber, the scientist responsible for its development, justified its use with the argument that it would save lives by bringing the war to a faster end. This gas would initially cause breathing problems and burning in the eyes, nose, and throat, but longer exposure would destroy the lungs and cause a hideous death (graphically described in Wilfred Owen's poem "Dulce et Decorum Est"). And this is what the Germans let loose on Thursday 22 April.

We learn much in this book about the development and delivery of gas as a terrifying weapon, plus a lot about the initially feeble methods used to counteract it. (Handkerchiefs soaked in urine didn't help much.) Frightening as it was, however, and ghastly as the wounds and deaths caused by it were, gas was never to become the decisive factor in the war that Haber had imagined. However, this book gives us a vivid account of the first use of gas and how its victims suffered, and these images hover threateningly in the air and in our minds as we then read Cassar's accounts of the fighting that ensued before the Second Battle of Ypres concluded a few weeks later.

A considerable amount of Cassar's text consists of minutely described actions during Second Ypres. For instance 34 pages are devoted to one day of the fighting at Frezenberg Ridge on 8 May. Thirty pages describe the actions involving the withdrawal and close of the Battle of St. Julien, 1–4 May. Divisions, brigades, regiments, battalions, and companies are all meticulously identified, and the part each played in the action is recounted. Names of officers and men frequently appear, and supporting excerpts from letters and diaries bring personal immediacy to events.

Site of Kitchener Wood Near St. Julien Where Canadian Forces 
Plugged the Gap the Night of 22–23 April

Much of what transpired during these few weeks was to be typical of the conduct of the war in general: the ill-advised charges into the face of overwhelming artillery, the prodigal waste of life in shocking numbers, the sacrificing of partially trained troops, the hardship of trench life, and the pain and cries emanating from no-man's-land-all haunted by the possibility of the death-dealing gas wafting in.


Order Now
Trial by Gas is an interesting and detailed read, well supported by a solid bibliography and notes. Only the quality of the maps lets the book down — they are too sketchy, much in them is too miniscule to read easily, and they are often lacking information one would like to have. Also, no scale for the maps is given — to an innocent beginner, the Salient could stretch across five, 50, or 500 miles. Nevertheless, by the end of the book we have come to a considerable understanding of the Second Battle of Ypres, which, as the author states,

. . .
was not a major engagement like the Somme or Passchendaele in terms of duration, losses, and units involved, but neither was it a minor affair…Second Ypres was, for its size, one of the most murderous battles of the war. Indeed no battle in 1915 was bloodier, fought under harsher conditions, or, for that matter, more pivotal
(p. 253).

David F. Beer

Sunday, May 8, 2016

8 May 1916: Catastrophe at Fort Douaumont



By Christina Holstein

At German-occupied Fort Douaumont enormous amounts of ammunition of all types were stored in the fort, some of it in magazines but much of it simply stacked up wherever space could be found. The troops, grown careless of the danger and glad to be inside in relative safety, smoked, read, heated food and coffee, played cards, and sat where they could, even on cases of explosive. Heavily armed with rifles, ammunition, and grenades, they moved about the corridors, brushing against one another in the crowded and ill-lit passages.

Fort Douaumont During the Battle

In such conditions an accident was bound to occur sooner or later, and it was during an offensive in early May, when the fort was especially crowded, that the inevitable happened.

The War Diary of 5th Division records that on the evening of 7 May units of the 12th Grenadiers and the 52nd Infantry Regiment involved in the sector between Thiaumont Farm and the area to the south of Douaumont village had been relieved and had withdrawn to the fort. Seriously wounded survivors of the previous day's fighting filled the fort's infirmary to overflowing. Less seriously wounded and sick troops found what rest they could in the corridors, where they were joined by fresh men from the 8th Leibgrenadiers going up to support the operation planned for the following day.

At 6:10 a.m. on 8 May, 5th Division received news of a serious explosion and fire in Fort Douaumont. Knowing how many men were in the barracks and fearing the worst, medical assistance and breathing apparatus was immediately dispatched to the fort, together with a company of pioneers. The artillery was ordered to be on the watch for an enemy attack, which, to the surprise and relief of the Germans, never came.

Immediate Aftermath of the Explosion
Throughout the morning and afternoon a thick cloud of smoke hung over the fort, veiling, in the words of Walter Beumelburg, the author of the Reichsarchiv volume on Douaumont, "the fearful things that had happened underground."

The exact cause of the terrible explosion that occurred in the early hours of 8 May has never been established. The commonest speculation is that careless heating of coffee or food may have ignited the flamethrowers, which were stored on the lower floor of the fort in the same area as a depot of hand grenades and the remaining French 155mm shells. Whatever the cause, at around 4:30 a.m. panic broke out in the fort. The fort's medical officer, Dr. Hallauer, 3rd Sanitäts-Kompanie, III Corps, who was on duty in the infirmary at that time, heard cries for help and terrified shouts of Die Schwartzen kommen ("The blacks are coming."). Before he could get help, three frightful explosions shook the fort and all the lights went out. There was a terrible roar. A mighty blast ripped through the fort, blowing the doors in and shaking the infirmary. Hallauer was thrown back against the wall and stunned. When he staggered out into the corridor again he was met by a thick cloud of sulfurous smoke through which came cries and moans. Grabbing his gas mask, Hallauer opened the oxygen canisters and got the ventilator going. Stretcher-bearers helped him to carry some of the surgical patients out of the thick yellow smoke in the operating theater and into another room where breathing was easier. Despite wearing his mask, Dr. Hallauer fainted. He was dragged away by two pioneers, who found him unconscious on the operating table. When he came round several hours later the full extent of the catastrophe met his appalled eyes.

The explosion had occurred in the southeastern sector of the fort on the lower corridor, where a large number of French 155mm shells were still stored. In this part of the corridor a hole two meters deep had been torn in the floor and had filled with water. Some meters farther on, the roof had fallen in and debris blocked the corridor. The roof of the pioneer depot had been blown out. A massive stone staircase  been ripped away by the blast and huge shell splinters were scattered in the rubble. In the main corridor relief troops from the 8th Leibgrenadiers — mostly young recruits — sat around, too stunned to move, while all around them lay other men, shocked, wounded, and driven mad.

Dr Hallauer's subsequent report to the commandant of the fort showed the terrible extent of the catastrophe. The corridors were filled with rubble and bodies, some of them terribly mutilated. Arms, legs, and torsos lay among smashed equipment. Many of the bodies were split open. In many places the dead were thrown on top of one another three or four deep. Against the end walls of some of the corridors on the lower floor smashed bodies were squashed together and heaped up, and it was clear that the force of the explosion had traveled down the narrow corridors like a bullet from a gun and hurled them against the wall at the end. The bodies were without exception black and covered in gunpowder. Smoke and fumes filled almost all the corridors and barrack rooms, particularly on the lower floor. Some of the rooms were empty, but in others the iron bedsteads had been hurled together into a heap, the bodies of their occupants catapulted out into the debris and rubble. Many of the dead were in a crouching position, some with their arms raised as if to protect themselves. In the rooms in which doors and beds were apparently little affected by the blast the dead were lying in bed as if asleep or sitting up wearing their gas masks.

Hallauer found hardly anyone who could help him with the injured. One doctor was dead and the others were either injured or too shocked to be of any use, as were nine of the stretcher-bearers and nurses. Nevertheless, he managed with the help of men of the 8th Leibgrenadiers to bring a number of survivors outside and to clear some of the main corridors of the bodies filling them. Rescue work was hampered by the fact that to get from one side of the barracks to the other, rescuers had to go outside into the ditch under fire. Later, help also came from units of the 24th Infantry in Caillette Wood and Brulé Ravine.

Some survivors did manage to totter out of the fort. In Hassoule Ravine to the northeast of the fort, Lieutenant Klingenberg saw men staggering toward him wearing German uniforms but without helmets or weapons. With faces and hands black with powder, singed hair and eyebrows, and torn uniforms all they could do was stammer "Douaumont. . .terrible." Clouds of thick black smoke were rising from the fort. Fearing a successful assault by the French, Klingenberg ran toward the fort, noticing as he did so an entrance completely blocked by the bodies of men who had obviously fought with one another to get out into the fresh air. With other officers, he pulled away the sandbags protecting the barrack rooms on the gorge side of the fort and let fresh air flood in. As many men as possible were dragged outside, but the lack of gas masks meant that it was a long time before all the rooms could be checked for injured and the blocked corridors cleared of wreckage and rubble.


Injured Men Receiving Care

The fact that the fort was so crowded meant that losses were exceptionally high. In the corridors and rooms near the center of the explosion men were killed by the blast, suffocated by clouds of smoke, died under the rubble or were burned to death in the scorching heat. Several days after the explosion, the death toll was put at 679 identified officers and men and 1800 injured. Hallauer himself put the death toll at between 700 and 800 but admitted that the bodies were so mutilated as to make any proper identification impossible.

The frightfulness of it all left the survivors stunned. In the following days Hallauer noted (among other conditions) shock, confusion, agitation, loss of speech, convulsions, and cases of raving madness. The fearful image of mass annihilation underground, the piles of mutilated corpses, the screams and groans of the wounded, and the ravings of the insane had all raised the level of terror to unbearable heights. As Beumelburg wrote "Es bleibt uns nur der hoffende Glaube, dass em schnelles Vergehen die Furchbarheit milderte" ("We can only hope that death came quickly to lessen the horror.").

Fortunately for the rescuers, the French artillery, as if unaware of the magnitude of the explosion inside the fort and despite the thick clouds of smoke rising over it, remained fairly quiet, so the grim work of rescue and repair could go on undisturbed. The physical destruction inside the fort and the clouds of gas and smoke which filled the corridors and barrack rooms meant that it was some days before the 23rd Pioneers could get on with the awful work of dealing with the dead. Some of them were buried outside in an enormous crater left by the explosion of a 420mm shell, but the task of taking all the hundreds of bodies outside was simply too much for the exhausted garrison. In addition, French shelling while the work was being carried out caused further losses. It was therefore decided to bury the dead in Artillery Shelters I and II on the Rue du Rempart and to wall up the entrances. Heavy shelling soon blocked access to the bunkers, leaving the vast majority of the victims of the explosion under tons of stones and rubble, where they still lie.

Dr. Hallauer's official report of 10 May attempted to reconstruct the events leading up to the explosion. Recalling a strong smell of flamethrower fuel in the fort on the previous day, he surmised, first, that an accident had ignited the inflammable oil and, second, that the resulting fire had given off thick clouds of smoke and soot. Some troops were burned and many others, their faces blackened with soot, ran in panic for the stairs and ladders to the upper floor. Seeing the black apparitions, German troops on the upper floor mistook them for black French soldiers and, fearing an attack, threw grenades at them. It was that, Hallauer believed, which may have caused the explosion of the French 155mm shells which, in turn, ignited a large store of hand grenades and detonators in the pioneer depot.

The Memorial Inside the Fort Today
Terrible though it was, the explosion had no effect on the course of the battle. Within hours, specialist officers examined the fort to see whether it would continue to resist the French bombardment or whether it should be evacuated and blown up. Despite the magnitude of the blast, they found that Fort Douaumont was still worth holding. In fact, the physical damage suffered by the fort was far less serious than its effect on German morale. Until the explosion occurred, Fort Douaumont had been regarded as a safe haven for troops in the sector, but news of the disaster on 8 May spread swiftly far and wide. From that moment on, in the minds of the German troops in the sector, the reassuring presence they affectionately referred to as "the hill" really did become "the coffin lid."

Believing that a success in the field would lift morale, the commander of 5th Division, General Wichura, ordered the unsuccessful operation of 7 May in the area to the south of Douaumont village to be attempted again by the same regiments, even though they were worn out by the previous fighting and the explosion. The operation was fixed for 12 May. Despite vigorous artillery preparation and the use of gas, it was once again unsuccessful. A third attack using the same troops but without any artillery preparation was then ordered for the early hours of 13 May, but it was called off before the exhausted German troops had time to show whether or not they could have carried it out.

The explosion of 8 May caused major disruption to German operations in the sector. It also brought about a belated realization that the loss of the fort would have serious consequences. Fort Douaumont's importance as an observatory, command post, supply depot, and reserve position were so overwhelming that its possession was indispensable to control of the sector north of Verdun. 

From: Fort Douaumont by Christina Holstein; reprinted by permission of the author and publisher. Available at Pen and Sword Books, Ltd.


Saturday, May 7, 2016

Remembering a Veteran: A Moving Obituary Appears in Punch, May 1916

LIEUTENANT ALEC JOHNSTON

A brother-officer attached to the King's Shropshire Light Infantry writes from the Front:—"I thought you would like to hear some details of the death in action of Lieutenant Alec Johnston, who used to write 'At the Front' in Punch. I knew him well and we were rather especial friends.

"On the night of the 21st of April the Battalion, which was resting at the time, was suddenly ordered to attack some six hundred yards of trenches which the enemy had taken two nights previously. Johnston's Company was in the centre, and, after the O.C. had been severely wounded just before we attacked, Johnston led the Company and captured the position most gallantly with the bayonet. He then went on himself and personally reconnoitred the ground up to the German line. He found them massing for a counter-attack and came back and gave warning. When the enemy attacked they were driven off with heavy loss. He was indefatigable all night consolidating the recaptured position, exposing himself on top all the time in order to move about more quickly.

Above and Stronger Than His Wish to Live — His Wish to Do His Duty
Lt. Johnston's Grave at Essex Farm Cemetery, Ypres

"At dawn, he sent the only other officer then remaining unwounded to the safest part of the trench, saying that when it got too light to stay on top he himself would get into 'the first old crump hole.' He stayed up too long, and was shot through the heart by a German sniper.

"He was a general favourite and loved by his men. He had done more dangerous patrol work than any two other officers in the battalion, and the hotter the situation the cooler he got.

"The way he used to write his articles was very characteristic of the man. I have seen him lying flat on his face in a tiny dug-out no bigger or higher than the underneath of a small dinner-table, in the front line trench, dashing off the first half of one of his quaint articles to Punch. He would have to stop in the middle and crawl out on patrol up to the German wire, have a scrap out there with a Bosch patrol at a few yards' range, stay out for two or three hours, and crawl back, soaked to the skin and covered with mud, to finish his article in time for the post.

"His name had already gone in for distinction, and if he had lived he certainly would have had a decoration conferred for his work in this last show.

"As you probably know, his articles were awfully appreciated by every one out here, and in his quaintly witty way he caught perfectly the spirit 'at the Front.'"

Punch, 17 May 1916

Friday, May 6, 2016

Verdun: Crossroads of Liberty


Today, I will be escorting my Verdun Battlefield tour group on walking tour of the city itself.  One stop I think the first time visitors will be surprised to see will be this memorial near the train station.


The Voie de la Liberté marks two famous wartime lines of communication. The marker on the right indicates the route of the World War II  712-mile road of liberation from Utah Beach in Normandy to Bastogne in the Ardennes forest. The marker the left is at the northern terminus of the Voie Sacrée, the 38-mile road from Bar-le-Duc that was so critical to the French defense of Verdun in 1916.

In both cases, the length of both roads are marked by an identical marker placed every kilometer.

Thursday, May 5, 2016

Helpful Kiosks on the Western Front

Photographed by Our Contributing Documentarian, Steve Miller

A few months ago I presented some interesting interesting informational kiosks from some favorite sites on the Italian Front. Today I'd like to show you some that I found particularly informative or helpful. Steve Miller in his travels has regularly photographed these kiosks and shares his collection with us. When I started leading tours a quarter of a century ago, nothing like this was available. You had to find your way with a Michelin map and Rose Coombs's guidebook, which was a lot stronger on the British Army sites than the French or American sites. In some cases you may need to click on the image to read the fine print. In others I've extracted some of the English language commentary for easier reading.

Beaumont Hamel, Newfoundland Memorial Park, Somme



Comment:  Simple multilingual poster that shows the key sites of 1 July 1916 and the later advance of the 51st Scottish Division that secured the area.

Craonne, Chemin des Dames



Comment:  This little former village was chosen by fate to be an important battlefield in 1814, 1914, and 1917.  It is also immortalized in song. Today it is the  closest  thing in France to what an American would call a ghost town.  It has a nice map of the former village and some basic information in French and English.



Eparges Spur, St. Mihiel Salient




Comment: One of the greatest mining sites of the war, Eparges has a scale almost beyond comprehension. Although the text is only in French,  the images and graphic map tell much of the story of the fighting on the ridge. Also pictured is Maurice Genevoix, the noted French author, who recorded the sheer awfulness of the fighting at Eparges before being wounded in April 1915.

Fleury Village, Verdun


Comment: A thriving farm village of 422 in 1914, in the summer of 1916 Fleury found itself at the head of the ravine that provided the most direct access to Verdun for the German Army. It changed hands 16 times and was (as the photos above document) utterly leveled. Today it is the most famous of Frances "Villages Detruit." The kiosk gives some interesting details in the English-language section.




The Vimy Ridge Memorial as Art



Comment: Canada has done a fabulous job commemorating their 1917 victory at Vimy Ridge. The site is filled with helpful kiosks and staffed by well-informed young Canadians. This particular panel focuses on the artistic merits of the monument.  Below are some of the details from the English language sections. 



In the future, we will share some of kiosks from the American battlefields of 1918 from Steve's collection.

Wednesday, May 4, 2016

WWI Danger: Airplane-Eating Cows

Contributed by Mike Cox

Curtiss Jenny:  Particularly Toothsome for Cows

They appeared to walk around aimlessly, looking innocent until the right opportunity presented itself. Then, moving as quickly as they could, they struck. Soon, the unguarded flying machine’s two linen wings had been ripped to shreds — an airplane that had cost Uncle Sam $5,465.

At least twice during World War I, these destroyers of government property succeeded in grounding Army training planes at Dallas’s Love Field. Who instigated these home-front attacks on American aircraft? Trench-coated German saboteurs? Disloyal Texans bent on hampering the war effort? Draft dodgers venting anger at the government? Nope, cows. Not seditious cows, not even mad cows. Just hungry cows.

“The discovery that Texas cattle will eat the wings of an airplane…is one of the reasons why a general order to ‘Stick to the machine, no matter what happens’ is impressed upon every cadet aviator training in Texas,” the Associated Press reported from Dallas in June 1918. The plane that Texas cattle found so tasty was the Curtiss JN-4D, or Jenny. First flown in 1914, the Jenny had wings made from linen stretched over a wire-supported spruce frame.

To make the wings airtight, the Curtiss company painted them with cellulose. Army aviators called cellulose “dope”; for cattle, it was dinner if they could get it. The cellulose, the AP noted, “softens under their tongues, and the cattle in their eagerness to obtain it will chew the expensive linen planes to pieces to extract the…flavor.”


Cows, however, are still a threat to aircraft.  In 2013, some Indonesian cows forced this Boeing 730 of Lion Airlines off the runway while the pilot was trying to land.

Mike Cox is a chronicler of Texas history with a particularly strong interest in the Texas Rangers.  Try Mike's latest work Gunfights & Sites in Texas Ranger History at Amazon.com