"The Fruits of Our Delay" by Theodore Roosevelt

Former President Roosevelt in 1918

March 26, 1918, Kansas City Star

[Written immediately after the opening of the initially spectacularly successful first of Ludendorff's spring offensives.]

The shameful betrayal of the Allies’ cause by the Russian Bolshevists and the delay and incompetence of the American Government have given the Germans a free hand for their drive against the British army. England is at this moment fighting our battles just as much as she is fighting her own, yet, although three years have passed since the Lusitania was sunk and a year since Congress declared that we had “formally” entered the war, America is still merely an onlooker.

We owe this ignoble position to the folly and the procrastination of our Government and its inveterate tendency to substitute rhetoric for action. We have a gallant little army across the ocean, but it is smaller than the Belgian army. We are not holding a greater extent of the battle front than the army of little Portugal. We have at the front no airplanes or field artillery and very few machine guns except those we have gotten from the French. Even the clothes of our troops are mainly obtained from the English. Yet we are the richest nation and one of the most populous nations on the earth.

Our Government is responsible for our dreadful shortcomings, but the responsibility is shared by all the foolish creatures who have willfully blinded themselves to these shortcomings and have clamored against the faithful public servants, like Senator[ Chamberlain, who laid bare the shortcomings for the purpose of remedying them. The truly patriotic men in this crisis have been the men who have fearlessly told the truth in order to speed up the war. The other men who have decried the truth-telling as “crying over spilt milk” have been profoundly unpatriotic. It was the failure to point out how much milk had been spilt which was primarily responsible for the failure to stop further spilling of milk.

In the face of the terrible battle which our English allies are now waging, and in view of the fact that for three years and a half we have owed our safety to the British fleet and to the French spirit typified by Premier Clemenceau, let the American people now demand that the Government recognize the need of instant and efficient action. Let our Government quit flirting with the Bolshevists at home and abroad. Let it declare war on Turkey at once. Let it acknowledge its dreadful failures and delays and henceforth act with all possible speed. Let it manfully endeavor to make our weight felt in the war this year. Let it stop boasting about the future and begin to act in the present.

Let the Government use common sense. It has talked magnificently about having twenty thousand airplanes ready in June, but it has not one American war plane at the front to-day. Let it quit boasting and act. Let it push the shipping programme by night and day. Let it give France and England the men they so sorely need.

Our Government has delayed until the Allies have been brought to the brink of destruction. Let it act at once lest the chance for action pass completely by.

Theodore Roosevelt

Forgotten Prelude: Italo-Turkish War of 1911–12

Italian Troops in Libya, 1911

 An event in 1911 in North Africa had a great impact on the  coming world war. The entry of Turkey on the side of the Central Powers in October 1914 shifted the balance of forces and led to the Middle East being a drain on the resources of the Allies. That decision by the "Young Turks" was made to arrest the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire. One of the disasters that befell the empire's ruling cadre unfolded in Libya a century ago. War was undertaken by Italy to gain colonies in North Africa by conquering the Turkish provinces of Tripolitana and Cyrenaica (modern Libya). 

Ottoman Officers Mustafa Kemal (left) and
Nuri Conker at the Front

At the turn of the 20th century, Ottoman rule in North African was limited to Libya, following French seizure of Algeria in 1830 and Tunisia in 1883. Around the same time, the new republic of Italy–largely excluded from the race to colonize Africa–received French carte blanche for operating in Libya. "Italy's Fourth Shore," as they called  the country, began seeing an influx of Italian commercial interests, though with no attempt at direct control. 

This changed in 1911, when Italy declared war on the Ottoman Empire to "recover" the territory. Using the pretext of the infringement of Italian interests in the two provinces, the Italian government issued an ultimatum to Turkey on 28 September 1911 and on the next day declared war. Italian forces quickly occupied the towns of Tripoli, Darnah (Derna), and Banghāzī (Benghazi), but unexpected resistance on the part of the Muslim population forced the Italian commander General Carlo Caneva to confine operations to the coastal areas. 

Birth of Aerial Bombardment
An Italian Dirigible Bombs a Turkish Position

In May 1912, Italian naval forces occupied Rhodes and some of the Dodecanese islands off the Turkish coast, but the war remained at a stalemate until a successful Italian offensive in North Africa from July to October 1912. Turkey, now menaced by the Balkan states, sought peace. Preoccupied with the Empire's pending disintegration—the Young Turk leadership de facto recognized Italy's unilateral annexation of the territories by granting it autonomy.

Surrender of the Ottoman Garrison on Rhodes 

By the terms of the Treaty of Lausanne (also called Treaty of Ouchy; 18 October 1912), Turkey conceded its rights over Tripoli and Cyrenaica to Italy. Although Italy agreed to evacuate the Dodecanese, its forces continued to occupy the islands. More  humiliations were to follow in the Balkan wars of 1912–13 that would make them susceptible to the promise of a restoration supported by a victorious Germany.  Turkish involvement in the 1914 European War, would be the largest factor in turning the struggle into a world war.

Weapons of War: Germany Mauser Gewehr 98 Rifle

Click on Image to Enlarge

Gewehr 98 with Bayonet and Stripper Clip

The 19th century saw many innovative firearms designs, from Sam Colt’s famous single-action revolver to Winchester’s cowboy-favorite lever-action rifles, but one of the most important firearms to make its debut in this era was from not America but Germany. You’ve probably seen this firearm referenced in a shooting magazine or book—in fact it’s hard to pick up any literature on firearms today and not see this gun or its action mentioned. I’m talking about Peter Paul Mauser’s Model 98 bolt-action repeating rifle.

Noted for its extremely strong action, the 9-lb, 49-in long Mauser 98 was the basis for military shoulder arms for the first decades of the 20th century. While the lever-action rifle so popular when the Mauser 98 was introduced could offer a slightly faster rate of fire, the capability of firing cartridges with flatter trajectories and greater accuracy gave the edge to Mauser’s bolt-action design (especially when longer shots are concerned).

Most bolt-actions look similar from the outside, but there are many differences in how they are designed and function internally. Mauser’s design, for instance, doesn’t require the use of an internal hammer. (Note: a gun’s “hammer” can be external, like on a revolver, a Colt 1911 semi-auto pistol, and many lever-action rifles, while the majority of repeating shotguns and rifles have internal or “non-exposed” hammers.) The Mauser 98’s “lock time”—the time between the end of the trigger pull and the detonation of the cartridge, something measured in fractions of a second and important to a gun’s accuracy (faster is better)—was much faster than the lever guns so popular when the 98 was introduced. So just how good was the Mauser 98? To give you just one example, Winchester cloned the Mauser 98 when it released its now famous Model 70, and that rifle would go on to earn the moniker “The Rifleman’s Rifle.”

Stripper Clip

The 98’s action is centered around the bolt. That bolt is operated by a handle on the shooting-hand side of the rifle’s action. In operation, the handle is raised, cocking the action (readying the gun for firing), and the bolt is pulled rearward. This exposes the magazine underneath the bolt. When the bolt is pushed forward, the topmost cartridge in the magazine is picked up by the bolt’s face and pushed in the chamber. On the down stroke of the bolt, the bolt’s two “locking lugs,” located on the front of the bolt, engage a matched set of grooves milled into the breech, thus sealing the breech. These two lugs are central to the Mauser 98 action’s great strength.

After firing the cartridge in a Mauser 98, the shooter would once again lift the bolt handle. This time, though, the action’s huge “extractor” pries the fired cartridge case from the chamber. When the bolt is pulled fully rearward, the case, also being pulled backwards, meets the “ejector,” which kicks that empty case out of the action. 

German Infantry Carrying the Model 98, Poland, 1914

The Gewehr ["rifle"] 98 saw its earliest service in the Boxer Rebellion and in colonial Africa in the preceding years. At the outbreak of WWI in 1914, the German Army had 2,273,080 Mauser 98-rifles of all types; an additional 7,000,000 were produced during the war. It proved a powerful and accurate rifle with long range. German opticians developed excellent sniper scopes for use with specially fitted rifles. The rifle, however, was poorly suited for the close quarter fighting of trench warfare. The considerable length of the rifle and the minimum sight setting of 400 meters (far in excess of the typical range in trench battles) were particular handicaps. Still, the weapon was used by German troops for more than 20 years.

Sources:  "Let's Go Shooting", The Firearm Industry Trade Association; NRA websites; War History Online

Five Armies at Braye-en-Laonnois

Braye-en-Laonnois Today

Braye Is Position 4 on This Map of the 1917 Battle

A commune located just south of the Chemin des Dames, Braye-en-Laonnois would be a focus of action for almost the entire First World War. Five different belligerent armies would fight in and around what was at the start of the conflict a 2,000 person community. Most of the civilians would be evacuated when German staff decided to make it one of the most elaborate defensive positions in the Aisne sector after their retreat from the Marne in 1914.   

Main Street before the War

Braye was chosen for this role out of a passel of similar villages in the area for several unique features.

1.  It was located on a valuable north-south road.

2.  It also overlooked a key tunnel entrance for the strategic Canal de l'Oise à l'Aisne that connected the two river valleys.

Canal Tunnel Entrance

3.  There was a nearby quarry, Froidmont Carrière, that could serve as  secured barracks and storage.

4.   It is positioned in a deep hollow between two ridges. (It's not clear whether this was considered an advantage or disadvantage.)

These factors would magnetically draw the forces of five nations during four years of conflict. The wartime experiences of Braye-en-Lannois are best summarized chronologically:

First German Trenches Along the Aisne

September 1914—German forces retreat to the Aisne sector, followed by pursuing British forces.  The first trench lines of the Great War develop here.

March 1915—A concerted British effort to capture Braye-en-Laonnois fails.

April 1917—In anticipation of the  Nivelle Offensive, French artillery levels the surviving village. On 16 April, the French attack in the vicinity utterly fails.

French Soldiers Examining German Emplacements

 

October 1917—Poilus of  the 132nd French Infantry Regiment and the 69th Battalion of Chasseurs à Pieds recapture  the village.

February-March 1918—Units of the U.S. 26th Yankee Division occupy Froidmont quarry.

May 1918—The village once again falls into German hands during the fourth German offensives of the year.

Italian Troops in the Sector

 

October 1918—Italian troops finally liberate Braye-en-Laonnois.

Braye-en-Laonnois at War's End

 

Aftermath—During the 1920s, only 200 inhabitants came to resettle in Braye, and the reconstruction of the village lasted until 1935. The new population—only 10% of the 1914 level—has stayed steady since.

American Graffiti

Heritage

The Froidmont quarry, visited and slept in by troops of all five nations, provided a wonderful opportunity for carving images and names by the soldiers. The Doughboys of the Yankee Division were especially industrious during their two-month habitation. The site is now considered a cultural artifact and treasure of the war. It has been featured in a number of articles such as HERE.

A Destiny of Undying Greatness: Kiffin Rockwell and the Boys Who Remembered Lafayette

American Eagle Stained Glass
Lafayette Escadrille Memorial

By Mark M. Trapp

System D Publishing, 2019

Major Peter L. Belmonte, USAF, Ret., Reviewer

Originally Presented in Air University Review, 15 April 2020

As students of the First World War know, well before the United States entered the war, some American men made their way to Canada, England, and France to enlist and serve in the fight against the Central Powers. Perhaps the most famous unit of such men is the fabled Lafayette Escadrille, the French squadron composed of Americans who had enlisted in the French army. One of the members of this squadron was Kiffin Rockwell, a young man from South Carolina who sought to repay a debt that he felt the United States owed to France for her support of our own revolution. In A Destiny of Undying Greatness, first-time author and Chicago lawyer Mark Trapp tells the story of Kiffin, his older brother Paul, and many other young men who didn’t forget France in her time of need. The names of many of the men whose stories are in the book will be familiar to some readers. Alan Seeger, Norman Prince, Victor Chapman, Bert Hall, and William Thaw were among the men who volunteered to serve France, and they all appear in these pages in varying degrees. 

Trapp begins with a lengthy account of the Rockwells’ family history before getting into their involvement in World War I. In August 1914, Kiffin and Paul were among the first Americans to travel to France and enlist in the Foreign Legion. In the ensuing pages, the author describes in detail the exploits of these men and their compatriots. 

There is not a lot of operational or strategic level history of the war included in the book. Rather, it covers the activities of the men, often juggling several concurrent threads that weave through their lives, to present, more or less, a history of these men at war. A Destiny of Undying Greatness is crammed with anecdotes and snippets, gleaned from the letters and diaries of the participants, which illuminate their activities and give us a flavor of the war from their vantage point. Trapp traces Kiffin Rockwell and several of the men as they progress from enlistment, through training, to combat in the trenches (for some of them), and then through their transition to the French air service. Although Rockwell and some of the others are best known as pilots it’s more than 200 pages before we read of any of them flying, and Rockwell doesn’t take to the air until page 312. 

Things weren’t all rosy for the Americans. Indeed, their first real direct engagement in ground combat, which was a relatively minor German patrol action against a small French outpost, resulted in what both Kiffin and fellow American Frederick W. Zinn regarded as utter failure on their part. But the men learned and saw their share of action. Kiffin was himself wounded in the thigh in May 1915. Shortly after his return from the hospital, Kiffin was transferred to the French air service. 

Four Who Fell for France
(Rockwell Upper Right)

Students of the Great War will enjoy reading about the men’s experiences, both in the trenches and in the air. Trapp reports such things as fistfights between the men in the Foreign Legion, visits to Paris on leave, grousing about decorations and recognition, and the experience of being under aerial bombardment while at their own aerodrome. The author reminds us that for Americans to travel to Europe to enlist in the armed forces of France during this time was by no means routine. There was some question as to whether these men had forfeited their American citizenship by doing so. When several of the men traveled to the United States during the 1915 Christmas season, there were calls from some pro-German quarters to have the men interned as belligerent soldiers in a neutral country. Trapp covers the correspondence with the State Department and the comments by the men; the end result was that the men were not interned and returned to France after the holidays. 

After the formation of the Lafayette Escadrille, Rockwell scored the squadron’s first official kill when he shot down a German two-seater L.V.G. on 18 May 1916. Other members soon followed suit, and the squadron became quite successful. There are some choice nuggets here for Great War aviation enthusiasts. For example, Trapp quotes a pilot’s description of changing out the ammo drum of a Lewis machine gun while in flight. Reading A Destiny of Undying Greatness, one wonders how these men managed to survive such an undertaking while in combat. On 23 September 1916, Kiffin was shot down and killed during a fight with a German two-seat reconnaissance aircraft. 

Forty-five photographs and illustrations enhance the text and give us a good visual orientation of the men and times. The author’s end notes—127 pages of them—provide much additional information and will aid those who wish to read more about these subjects. There is no index, and this is an obvious drawback to such a book as this. Trapp used numerous important primary sources that have enabled him to write this comprehensive volume. Although some readers might be put off by the depth of coverage, those who wish to learn about Rockwell and other Americans in the French armed forces will enjoy the book. 

Kiffin Rockwell and the other men in this book were products of their times, with all the attendant flaws associated with the times and with humanity. As Trapp notes, A Destiny of Undying Greatness is not a hagiography. Still, it’s worth quoting part of Trapp’s closing paragraphs at some length: 

What has happened to our nation in the past hundred years? Today, many American youth would not even fight for their own country, much less another—although perhaps they could be roused to post a hashtag. Masculinity is now scorned as “toxic” and, especially among the so-called elite—the college-educated, the wealthy, and politically connected—the concept of repaying a debt to those who made their own nation and freedom possible is unthinkable. Little wonder, for among much of this crowd, the thought of American exceptionalism is anathema, and words like duty, honor, and sacrifice merely outdated concepts in unread history books. (pp. 573–74) 

Click HERE to Order

Of course, this is a generalization, and the point can be argued. Trapp closes with the hope that he has told their story in a manner worthy of their “higher ideals, nobler aspirations, and unwavering patriotism” (p. 574). In this, Trapp has succeeded. 

Major Peter L. Belmonte

Soldiers of the Meuse-Argonne—Memorial Day Video Tribute from the ABMC

 

Eyewitness at the Somme: "It Was No Simple Matter to Work Amid Blood"

Senior Physician Richard Schwarz 1st Battalion, 121st Reserve Infantry Regiment (26th Reserve Division) 

Our regimental medical dugout was located in the Soden Redoubt, on an elevation between Beaumont Hamel and Serre, with an expansive view of the Ancre Valley and the ridges of Thiepval and Pozieres on the other side of the river to the south. All through the week long bombardment preceding 1 July there was conspicuously little service for the medical people to perform. During this time we had only 35 wounded of the 1st Battalion to look after. Nearly all these arrived at our dugout in the nighttime hours. Excellent construction of the field positions in our division stood the test splendidly. Likewise, in spite of numerous nighttime gas shellings, we treated only six gas cases, one of which, unfortunately, could not be saved. Greater  numbers of gas casualties were avoided due to frequent  instruction and practice in the use of the gas mask. 

The principal work of the doctors and other medical personnel began the morning of 1 July, soon after the  English infantry's great frontal attack. At 8:30 the first  lightly wounded streamed in. Not until the afternoon  and evening were the stretcher bearers able to bring in the badly wounded, some of them with horrible head, lung and abdomen injuries, in addition to smashed bones of every conceivable type. We were thrust into uninterrupted, feverish activity. It was disquietingly  overcrowded in our confined dugout, and no simple matter to work amid blood, perspiration and foul odors tainting the air. 

The lightly wounded mostly arrived with field dressings  already in place. They were adjusted by our medical  NCOs and if necessary, changed. After being given some coffee, sausage and bread, these people were sent  off in small groups with directions to the main medical station behind Miraumont. With Dr. Broemser I  attended the severely wounded on our makeshift  operating table. Broken bones were examined, blood  vessels stopped from hemorrhaging and dressings applied. Several casualties with crushed or fractured skulls died in the dugout. We could only ease their passing by administering morphine or chloroform. 

We were especially concerned about hastening transport of the head, lung and belly cases to the rear. This could not begin, however, until the night of 1-2 July. The division surgeon, Generaloberarzt Dr. Bihler, had detailed for our use 12 men and a very efficient corporal from the [division's] medical company. These brave people carried the badly wounded through  communication trenches from Soden Redoubt to  artillery positions in a hollow near Beaucourt. It was a  laborious, dangerous job. That first night one of these  stretcher bearers was killed and two were wounded. 

 

Corpsmen and Stretcher Bearers in a Quieter Period

From the medical company wagons were dispatched forward under shell fire along the Mirauumont-Beaucourt road, in order to fetch the non-walking  wounded deposited in the artillery hollow. Often there was a delay or blockage in transport, which was understandable during a day of heavy combat along the division's extended front, and we doctors must  thankfully recognize and appreciate what obstacles the  medical company people overcame in those days and nights. 

In the Soden Redoubt dugout we rendered assistance to more than 200 wounded within the battle's first 48 hours — over 140 of our own and some 70 English. From 3 July on, access to the wounded became more difficult. As a curiosity it should be reported that, on 6 July, we treated the last wounded Englishmen who, since the morning of 1 July, had been marooned without help between the lines.

Source: This Carnival of Hell, published by Blue Acorn Press in 2010. 

Ring Lardner's Armistice Day Column

Apparently, Ring Lardner did not consider the Armistice the world-shaking event that everyone else did.  MH

CHICAGO TRIBUNE, NOVEMBER 12, 1918

Friend Harvey:

Well, Harvey, I come in the office this A.M. and everybody had a leer on their face and I was the only one that wasn’t grinning and the day city editor ask me what the hell so I said everybody in the world only me is getting a day off but I have to write something just like any other day. So he says what have you got to write something for? So I said I have got to write my regular stuff for the sporting page. So he said and who and the hell is going to read the sporting page tomorrow morning and you certainly are flattering yourself. Because in the 1st. place the people that’s still able to read yet tomorrow morning will be tray few and those that is will never get past Page 1 without falling asleep. Further and more if you think you have got a tough job how would you like to be a traffic policeman?

So after all, Harvey, it looks like I had a cinch and as long as they won’t nobody only you read this what is the difference what I write but still and all I know you want the page filled up with something so I will write out a few verses that have come to me without no effort on my part.

 

I suppose the crown prince feels miserable today,

Both him and his pop,

But how would you like to be

A Chicago traffic cop?

I am glad I am an American,

But I wouldn’t mind being a Frenchman or wop,

But I certainly would feel miserable

If I were a Chicago traffic cop.

Usually when they blow two whistles

The north and south traffic will stop,

But on a day like this they can blow their heads off

And nobody pays any attention to

The Chicago traffic cop.

R. W. L.

Kaiser Wilhelm's Fantasy Made Fact: The High Seas Fleet, Part II

Kaiser Wilhelm II, Admiral Alfred von Tirpitz, andGeneral Helmuth von Moltke 

Part I of this two-part series can be read HERE. 

II.  Building the High Seas Fleet

In June 1897, Tirpitz was appointed to the new position of secretary of state of the Imperial Naval office and given the job of challenging the Royal Navy's dominance. He immediately got to work, raised a staff, appointed committees and set them to work—exploring the latest in ship design, gunnery and shells, examining training programs, studying docks, shipyards, and the Kiel Canal. Maybe most important, he began a huge public relations campaign to win public support for the coming financial investment to build the fleet. He cultivated the press, organized public events, and funded a naval propaganda team that had a team of authors turning out novels, pamphlets, and school presentations. In just six months, Tirpitz put together a first-phase building program and had both the Reichstag and public opinion primed to support it.

Tirpitz gained authorization and financing for a series of Naval Laws he presented to the Reichstag:

1898

The First German Naval Law, a construction program to enable the new German Navy to oppose the French and Russian navies. Nineteen battleships, eight armored cruisers, 12 large and 30 light cruisers to be completed by 1904.

1900

Second German Naval Law to challenge Royal Navy. Fleet to be doubled to 38 battleships, 20 armored cruisers, and 38 light cruisers.

Battle Flag of the Commander of the High Seas Fleet

1906

Third Naval Law (six battleships) proposed by Reichsmarinemt. These, the Deutschland-class, 13,990t, 4–11in, were the last pre-dreadnoughts to be built. Meanwhile, the revolutionary British all-big-gun battleship Dreadnought was launched and soon completed, superseding all existing capital ships and thus dislocating the German building program. This led to the First Amendment of 1900 Naval Law (5 + 1 armored cruisers) instead of the six battleships of the 3rd Law which would have to be uprated to the Dreadnought concept. This would have been too expensive for the Reichstag at that time.

1907

Germany's High Seas Fleet comes into being. It consists of two 8-ship squadrons of pre-dreadnought battleships. A third squadron would be added in 1914.

1908

Second Amendment of 1900 Law (six Dreadnoughts at the rate of two each fiscal year, plus submarine construction). Admiral Tirpitz, as head of Reichsmarine was subordinate to the Imperial Chancellor but at this time was, in effect, steering much German foreign policy.

High Seas Fleet, c. 1910

1912 

Third Naval Amendment—to build three capital ships each year, building up to an active fleet strength in German waters of one fleet flagship, three squadrons of eight battleships, eight battlecruisers, 18 light cruisers. Tirpitz's domination of other branches of the navy, though still strong, was for the first time under serious attack by U-boat and preparedness advocates. Funding was not available for the navy to respond to Britain's new Queen Elizabeth-class of super-dreadnoughts. 

By 1912, however, the naval arms race was abating. Tirpitz publicly stated that 1912 was his “last” amendment to the navy law. His influence waning, he apprehended the fleet he had built would enter any near-term conflict still significantly inferior to Britain's.

Sources: Hale, Wesley R., "The SMS Ostfriesland: A Warship at the Crossroads of Military Technology"; The Dreadnoughts, Time-Life Books.

Not Completely Unprepared—The U.S. Military before World War I

"America was completely unprepared for the war." You've probably seen some form of this statement in your readings. The statistics seem to fully support this. On  1 April 1917, the U.S. had 5,791 officers and 121,797 enlisted men in the regulars, supplemented by 80,446 National Guard on Federal service and 101,174 guardsmen still under state control. The Marine Corps had 462 commissioned officers, 49 warrant officers, and 13,214 enlisted men on active duty. The total available manpower of 323,133 certainly seems inadequate for getting involved in a global war in which all the other contenders were fully mobilized by the millions. Also,  many of the 300,000+ were already tied up in deployments overseas and on the still active Mexican border. The U.S. Navy seemed readier with 36 new and old battleships, about 100 cruisers and destroyers, and 52 submarines, but in retrospect were lacking sealift capability for moving troops and supplies to Europe. So the statistical case for "completely unprepared" for hostilities seems quite solid.

Yet, the works that dwell the unpreparedness factor seem all to imply that what happened over the next 19 months, when the United States had mobilized 4 million of its citizens and had already deployed half of them to the war's key theater, where they would decisively shift the balance of power on the battlefield, was either accidental or magical. Or—the authors remain silent on the point.

My long-held view is that America was no more "completely unprepared" for this rapid mobilization and deployment than that the achievement was simply sleight-of-hand. In 2017,  I was invited to present my views during  the Burdick Military History Symposium at San Jose State University. In this article, I'm going to let the slides I prepared for the program make the case for me. All of them can be enlarged by clicking on them. Please share your views in the comments below.  MH

WWI: When Agatha Christie Learned the Poisoner's Art

Poirot Suspects Poison

Agatha Christie used poison to kill her characters more often than any other crime fiction writer. How did she know all of this? The answer is that her knowledge came from direct experience with poisons and a lifelong interest in the subject, though not in the criminal sense. In the First World War, Christie volunteered as a nurse at her local hospital in Torquay. She enjoyed the work, but when a new dispensary opened at the hospital, it was suggested that she might work there. Her new role required further training, and Christie also needed to pass examinations to qualify as an apothecary’s assistant, or dispenser, which she did in 1917. Then and for many years afterward, doctors’ prescriptions were made up by hand in a chemist’s shop or hospital dispensary. Poisons and dangerous drugs were carefully weighed out and checked by colleagues before being dispensed. Innocuous ingredients such as coloring or flavoring could then be added according to personal taste. As Christie explained in her autobiography, this resulted in many people returning to the pharmacy to complain that their medicine didn’t look right, or didn’t taste as it usually did.

By 1917, Christie had written some poems and short stories, a few of which had been published. Then, after reading The Mystery of the Yellow Room by Gaston Leroux, Christie thought she would try to write a detective novel herself and said as much to her sister, Madge. Madge, a more successful writer than Agatha at the time, stated that it would be very difficult, and bet her that she wouldn’t be able to do it. It was not a formal bet, but it spurred Christie to write. It was while working as a dispenser that she found she had the time to think about the plot and her characters, and, being surrounded by poison bottles, she decided that poison would be the means of murder. 

Agatha and Her First Novel

The resulting novel was The Mysterious Affair at Styles, in which a certain Belgian refugee and policeman named Hercule Poirot was introduced to the world. Christie demonstrated her detailed knowledge of strychnine throughout the book. However, she had to wait a few years and try a number of publishing houses before the novel was  finally accepted in 1920. After publication Christie received her most cherished compliment when it was reviewed in The Pharmaceutical Journal. "This novel has the rare merit  of  being correctly written," the reviewer stated. He believed the author must have had pharmaceutical training or had called in an expert.

Inspired by Agatha fan, my beloved Donna Gaye.

Source: A is for Arsenic: The Poisons of Agatha Christie, by Kathryn Harkup, ORDER HERE

All the World at War: People & Places 1914–1918

Relief on Turkish Martyr's Memorial, Gallipoli

James Charles Roy 

Pen and Sword Military, 2025 

Reviewed by Ron Drees

As the title implies, All the World at War is not about the war, battles, campaigns, etc., but about the leaders of the war and the places where the war was fought. From Victoria to Versailles, Roy devotes a chapter to major players such as the Kaiser, von Schlieffen, Haig, and catastrophic events, including Tannenberg, Gallipoli, Verdun, and Berlin. He also delves into those people and places that are famous but not significant, such as the Halifax explosion, Ireland and the Easter uprising, T.E. Lawrence, and von Richthofen.  

The book begins with the descendants of Queen Victoria, discusses German strategy, recounts several major battles and the personalities involved, recounts Versailles, while remembering the war through monuments, known and unknown soldiers, “after-war” remembrances and an analysis of responsibilities. Be advised: 611 pages, 3 lbs., but it is an easy book to read.

While All the World at War has many illustrations, several in color, there are only a few maps and no index as to which geographic areas are depicted. Maps of Gallipoli or Russia would have been useful. The endpapers are a photograph furnishing an aerial view of Ypres after the war with many vacant lots and missing roofs.

A unique feature of this book is a discussion of Tannenberg, where Hindenburg and Ludendorff command together for the first time. They annihilate Russian armies due to German thoroughness of preparation and Russia’s lack of everything—secure communications, food, and decent leadership.  

The AEF, Pershing, and Wilson did not rate their own chapters but are discussed tersely throughout the book. Roy is deprecating about Pershing and Wilson, but then he does not have many kind words for anyone in this text. In the Postscripts chapter, Pershing rates less than two pages, while Lawrence has six pages. Apparently, T.E. was just more interesting. Nor is the author impressed by the U.S. contribution to WWI.

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Do not read All the World at War expecting to find statistics of battle casualties or army divisions; read it as a foundation for interpreting other commentaries on Great War events. By the nature of a few specific topics, this is an excellent primer for someone starting to read about the Great War. Roy delves into the personalities of several leaders, exploring strengths and weaknesses, and how these contributed to victories, defeats, and disasters. His discussions of terrain explain much about Gallipoli and Verdun and the part that German mindsets played in making Verdun a mutual catastrophe. A good basic (and lengthy) read!

Ron Drees