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Originally published on the Journal of Military and Strategic Studies, Vol. 15, Issue 3
For understandable reasons, historians have consistently tried to clear the waters by reducing the complexities of the First World War. This process has been vital in understanding the origins of the war, its conduct, victory and conclusion, and in shaping the historiography. Moving beyond earlier fixed interpretations, for the last 20 years the idea of a "learning curve" has played a major role in explaining British success in the autumn of 1918. Yet, its explanative power is limited in three significant ways. Firstly, war and strategy is reciprocal; the battlefield is an interactive play of forces, and not simply the play of one side. Secondly, friction resulting from this and multiple other interactions means war is complicated and winning is difficult. Thirdly, learning is often uneven within large institutions and dynamic problems cannot be solved with single solutions. With this in view, Jonathan Boff’s book addresses these fundamental issues and reanimates the complexities of the First World War, challenging many assumptions about victory and defeat on the Western Front in 1918. Boff expertly navigates these muddy waters and demonstrates how explaining complexity trumps earlier monocausal explanations; showing as Clausewitz made clear that everything in war is very simple, but the simplest thing is difficult, especially winning.
Winning and Losing on the Western Front is a brilliantly detailed comparative Study at the tactical and operational level of General Sir Julian Byng’s British Third Army and the opposing German Second and Seventeenth armies during the Hundred Days campaign fought from August to the Armistice in 1918. Four basic assumptions dominate explanations by historians for the British defeat of the German army. The Germans lost either because they were outnumbered in men and machinery or German army morale collapsed. The British won either because they were tactically better and employed a successful combined arms method or by virtue of superior operational art.
By integrating and adding nuance to these hypotheses, Boff argues that Third Army was able to win on the Western Front during the Hundred Days because it was better able than the seriously weakened and increasingly operationally limited German armies facing it to maintain a higher operational tempo and execute better combined arms tactics. There was no single sufficient condition for victory and winning required a combination of British success and significant German failures. Although innovation and learning were uneven in the British army, it adapted better than the German army to modern warfare. The principal conclusion is that British ability to better apply the techniques of modern war, added to the accumulation of earlier attrition and the tactical and operational shortcomings of the German army, caused German defeat and produced British victory.
Third Army Commander General Sir Julian Byng Inspects a Captured German Gun |
Boff meticulously and persuasively demonstrates this argument by addressing the four basic hypotheses explaining victory and defeat. First, successful attrition meant that the German army started the Hundred Days at a manpower disadvantage and attrition during the campaign aggravated the problem, accelerating the exhaustion of German divisions. While Third Army by comparison was better able to replace causalities, it was less able to maintain its material advantage. As the Hundred Days progressed weather conditions and logistical problems reduced any British material lead, however the perception by some German soldiers of British material superiority was greater than the reality. Manpower and material were important, but never alone decisive. Secondly, the effect of perceived inferiority under worsening conditions undoubtedly damaged German morale. Yet, the morale picture is less straightforward than historians have hitherto suggested and the view of the German army as a morally spent force is an oversimplification. Rather, morale in the German Second and Seventeenth armies is shown to be better than previously thought; mood may have been poor, but spirit was not broken. Although British morale was probably good and certainly better than that of the Germans, it was not unwaveringly great. Nonetheless, good morale was important for success at the tactical and operational level. Thirdly, the British army employed good combined arms tactics and the calibrated use of combined arms in support of infantry, including artillery, machine guns, tanks, aeroplanes, gas and cavalry, maximizing combat effectiveness. However, it is not clear that Third Army’s combined arms method was fully "the true elixir" of Allied success that John Terraine described. Undoubtedly, at the small-unit tactical level Third Army did display a highly sophisticated, flexible, and diverse practice of combined arms method.
Yet, some units were unwilling or unable to grasp the approach and even between the sophisticated units no universal tactical method existed. Nonetheless, the German tactical response was slow, rigid and exaggerated the threat of armor and aviation, which distorted and weakened the German defensive scheme. German failure to respond to the impressive diversity of British combined arms method contributed to British success. Fourthly, by delegating control to the ‘man on the spot,’ British command was able to maintain a higher operational tempo than the German army. However, a complex and variable command system meant decentralization of command and the promotion of initiative in Third Army were not consistent, undermining British efforts. Nevertheless, the over-centralized German command system was deeply flawed and contributed to the failure of German operational art. In attempting to fight on fixed defense lines often without good intelligence or artillery support, the German army was unable to match British operational tempo, counterattack effectively, or regain the initiative. The British may not have done everything right, Boff argues, but they did more things better than their enemy, and the shortcomings of the German army were a major factor in its defeat.
This book is a must for anyone interested in the Western Front. Boff does an outstanding job of exploring the nexus between operations and tactics. My own particular interest is how armored formations were integrated into the overall weapons system - or not. As Boff observes (pages 143-145), in all too many instances, it was if the infantry and tanks fought different battles. (This is a phenomenon my own research confirms was common in the AEF. To wit, American tank units never trained with the infantry that they supported in combat - not exactly a strong recipe for tactical success.) However, as Boff explains, to account for (often non-existent) tanks, the Germans badly distorted their defenses, making their defensive measures less effective overall. Boff's work is indispensable.
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