Now all roads lead to France and heavy is the tread
Of the living; but the dead returning lightly dance.
Edward Thomas, Roads

Sunday, January 25, 2026

Eyewitness: A Brutal, But Candid View of Troops as Cannon Fodder: An American Journalist Visits Austro-Hungarian Hospitals



By War Correspondent Arthur Ruhl

AT the head of each iron bed hung the nurse's chart and a few words of "history." These histories had been taken down as the wounded came in, after their muddy uniforms had been removed, they had been bathed, and could sink, at last, into the blessed peace and cleanness of the hospital bed. And through them, as through the large end of a telescope, one looked across the hot summer and the Hungarian fields, now dusty and yellow, to the winter fighting and freezing in the Carpathians.

"Possibly," the doctor said, "you would like to see one of these cases." The young fellow was scarce twenty, a strapping boy with fine teeth and intelligent eyes. He looked quite well; you could imagine him pitching hay or dancing the czardas, with his hands on his girl's waist and her hands on his, as these Hungarian peasants dance, round and round, for hours together. But he would not dance again, as both his feet had been amputated at the ankle and it was from the stumps that the doctor was unwrapping the bandages. The history read: While doing sentry duty on the mountains on March 28, we were left twenty-four hours without being relieved and during that time my feet were frozen.

The doctor spoke with professional briskness. He himself would not have tried to save any of the foot — better amputate at once at the line of demarcation, get a good flap of healthy tissue and make a proper stump. "That scar tissue'll never heal — it'll always be tender and break when he tries to use it; he has been here four months now, and you can see how tender it is."

The boy scowled and grinned as the doctor touched the scar. For our English and those things under the sheet he seemed to have much the same feeling of strangeness: both were something foreign, rather uncomfortable. He looked relieved when the bandages were on again and the white sheet drawn up. "We had dozens of them during the winter — one hundred and sixty-three frozen feet and one hundred frozen hands in this hospital alone. They had to be driven back from the front in carts, for days sometimes. When they got here their feet were black — literally rotting away. Nothing to do but let the flesh slough off and then amputate."

We strolled on down the sunny, clean-smelling wards. The windows were open. They were playing tennis in the yard below; on a bench under a tree a young Hungarian soldier, one arm in a sling, and a girl were reading the same book. Sunday is a very genial day in Budapest. The café tables are crowded, orchestras playing everywhere, and in dozens of pavilions and on the grass and gravel outside them peasants and the humbler sort of people are dancing. The Danube — beautiful if not blue — flows through the town.

Pest is on one bank and Buda on the other, beside a wooded hill climbing steeply up to the old citadel, somewhat as the west bank of the Hudson climbs up to Storm King.

I first came on the Danube at Budapest in the evening after dinner and saw, close in front of me, what looked to be some curious electric-light sign. It seemed odd in war time, and I stared for a moment before I saw that this strange design was really the black, opposite bank with its zigzag streams of lamps.

Few cities have so naturally beautiful a drop-curtain, and, instead of spoiling it with gas-works' and grain-elevators as we should do, the Hungarians have been thoughtful enough to build a tree-covered promenade between the Danube and the string of hotels which line the river. In front of each of these hotels is a double row of tables and a hedge, and then the trees, under which, while the orchestras play, all Pest comes to stroll and take the air between coffee-time and the late Hungarian dinner.

Hundreds of cities have some such promenade, but few so genial and cosey a one as that of Budapest — not the brittle gayety of some more sophisticated capitals, but the simpler light- heartedness of a people full of feeling, fond of music and talk, and ready to share all they have with a stranger.




The bands play tunes from our musical comedies, but every now and then — and this is what the people like best — they swing into the strange, rolling, passionate-melancholy music of the country. Wherever the tzigany music comes from, it seems Hungarian, at any rate — fiery and indolent and haphazard, rolling on without any particular rhyme or reason, now piling up and now sinking indolently back as the waves roll up and fall back on the sand. People will listen to it for hours, and you can imagine one of those simpler daredevils — a hussar, for instance — in his blue-braided jacket, red breeches, and big cavalry boots, listening and drinking, and thinking of the fights he has won and the girls he has lost, getting sorry for himself at last and breaking his glass and weeping, and being very happy indeed.

There is a club in Budapest — at once a club and a luxurious villa almost too crowded with rugs and fine furniture. When you go to play tennis, instead of the ordinary locker-room one is ushered into a sort of boudoir filled with Chippendale furniture. It is a delightful place to get exercise, with tea served on a garden table between sets; yet, when I was in Budapest, the place was almost deserted. It was not, it seemed, the season that people came there, although just the season to use such a place. For six weeks they came here, and nothing could bring them back again. They did things only in spurts, so to speak: " They go off on hunting trips to the ends of the earth, bring back animals for the Zoo, then off to their country places and — flop! Then there is a racing season, and they play polo and race for a while, then — flop!"

I have never seen such interesting photographers’ show-windows as there are in Budapest. Partly this is because the photographers are good, but partly it must he in the Hungarians themselves — such vivid, interesting, unconventional faces. These people look as if they ought to do the acting and write the music and novels and plays and paint the pictures for all the rest of the world. If they haven't done so, it must be because, along with their natural talent, they have this indolence and tendency to flop and not push things through.

It was this Budapest, so easy-going and cheerful, that came drifting through the hospital windows, with the faint sound of band music that Sunday afternoon.

On all the park benches and the paths winding up to the citadel, in a hundred shady corners and walks, soldiers, with canes and bandages, were sitting with their best girls, laughing with them, holding hands. The boys, with miniature flower-gardens in their hats, tinselled grass and red- white-and-green rosettes, could sit with their arms round their sweethearts as much as they wanted to, for everybody knew that they had just been called to the colors and this was their farewell.

I looked over more of the histories — not in the ward, where one was, of course, more or less a nuisance, but in the room where they were filed in hundred lots. Some of the men were still in the hospital, some had died, most of them gone back to the front. There were many of these foot cases:

"While on outpost duty in the Carpathians during a snow-storm I felt the lower part of my body becoming powerless. Not being able to walk, was carried back and put on train. Next day we were stopped, because Russians were ahead of us, and obliged to leave train. Waited two days without food or medical attention; then put on train for Budapest."

"My regiment was in the Carpathians, and on or about January 20 my feet refused to obey. I held out for four days and then reported ill. Toes amputated, right foot."

"I belong to German Grenadier Regiment No. — — . On February 6, while sleeping in open snow, I felt numbed in feet. Put on light duty, but on 8th reported ill and doctor declared feet frozen."

"March 12, during heavy snowstorm, Russians attacked us. One of my comrades was shot in stomach, and I took off my gloves to bandage him. All at once our regiment sounded ‘Storm!' and I had to rush off to attack, forgetting my gloves. I had both my hands frozen."



"I am field-cornet of the — — German Grenadiers. I was, since the beginning of the war, in Belgium and France, and at end of November sent to Russian Poland and January 1 to Carpathians. On February 6, while retiring to prevent the Russians surrounding us, I was shot In thigh at 1,500 yards distance and fell. Within a few minutes I got two more shots."

"That's just like a German," commented the nurse. “They always begin by telling just who they are and what they were doing. A Hungarian would probably just say that he was up in the mountains and it was cold. These soldiers are like big children, some of them, and they tell us things sometimes. . . ."

"While in Carpathians on January 20 I reported to my lieutenant, feet frozen. He said dig a hole and when you are quite frozen we will put you in. I stood it another seven days, then we had to retreat. I went myself to the doctor; my feet were then black already. Debreczen hospital six days, then here. Both amputated."

The feet were gone, at any rate, whatever the lieutenant may have said. We returned to the German field-cornet.

"He came in walking — a fine, tall man. We had only one place to bathe the men in, then: a big tank — for everything was improvised and there was no hot-water heater — and one of the doctors told him he could use his own bath up-stairs, but he said no, he'd stay with his men. He seemed to be getting on all right, then one morning the doctor touched his leg and he heard that crackling sound — it was gas infection. They just slit his leg down from hip to knee, but it was no use — he died in three hours. Practically all the wounds were infected when the men came in, but suppose he could have picked up something in that bath? . . . He came in walking."

Through most of the German histories one could see the German armies turning now this way, now that, against their "world of enemies," as they say: "I belong to — Regiment German Infantry and am stationed since March 1 in Carpathians. I am in active service since the start, having done Belgium, France, and Russia."

"While at battle of Luneville, with troop of about forty men stormed battery, capturing them, for which decorated with Iron Cross. Shifted to Carpathians. After march in severe cold, fingers and feet frozen."

"While in France attacking I was hit in head by shrapnel. In hospital fourteen days, then sent to Carpathians on December 7 with Austro-Hungarian troops. Wounded in arm and while creeping back hit five times in fifteen minutes. Lay all afternoon in trenches."

"I think those are the three who came in together one night, all singing ' Die Wacht am Rhein'; they all had the Iron Cross. They were a noisy lot. They all got well and went back to the front again."

Here were some pictures from the Galician fighting:

"Wounded by shrapnel near Przemysl, bandaged by comrade, and helped to house; only occupant old woman. Lay on straw two days, no food. Called to men passing; they had me moved in cart seventy miles to hospital. Stayed eight days; started on train, then taken off for three days, then to Budapest."

"During fighting at Lupkow Pass I was wounded by two pistol-shots. First one, fired by Russian officer, hit me in chest. Ran back to my company and in darkness taken by one of our officers for Russian and shot in arm."

"While digging trenches struck by a rifle-bullet in two places. Lay in trench two hours when found by Russian infantrymen, who hurriedly dressed me and. put me out of firing-range on horse blanket in old trench. Later found by our soldiers, carried to base, and dressed there, then to field-hospital, then in cart to railroad station. Went few kilometres by train, but became so ill had to be taken off for two days, then sent to Budapest. Seventeen days. Two months in hospital; returned to front."



"We called that man 'professor,'" said the nurse. "He was a teacher of some sort. There was a boy here at the same time, a Pole, but he could speak English: just out of the university — Cracow, I think. He was in Serbia, and was shot through the temple; he lost the sight of both eyes."

Several in the Serbian fighting had struck river mines. One, who had been ordered to proceed across the River Save near Sabac, remarked that he was "told afterward" they had struck a floating mine and that seven were killed and thirteen wounded. The Serbian campaign was not pleasant. The Serbians do not hold up their hands, as the big, childlike Russians sometimes seem to have done. They fight as long as they can stand. Then there was disease and lack of medical supplies and service. ' "They came in covered with mud and with fractures done up with twigs — just as they had been dressed on the field. Sometimes a fractured hip would be bound with a good-sized limb from a tree reaching all the way from the man's feet to his waist."

Yet the wonder is what nature and the tough constitutions of these young men will do with intelligent help. We came to what they call a "face case." "Wounded November 4 in Galicia by rifle-fire on right side of face and right hand; dressed by comrade, then lost consciousness until arrived here. ('He probably means,' explained the nurse, 'that he was delirious and didn't realize the time.') Physical examination — right side of face blown away; lower jaw broken into several pieces, extending to left side; teeth on lower jaw loose; part of upper jaw gone, and tongue exposed. Infected. Operated — several pieces of lower jaw removed and two pieces wired together in front."

From the desk drawer the nurse picked out several photographs — X-ray pictures of little round shrapnel bullets embedded in flesh, of bone splintered by rifle-bullets and shot through the surrounding flesh as if they had been exploded; one or two black feet cut off above the ankles; one of a group of convalescents standing on the hospital steps.

"There he is," she said, pointing to a man with a slightly crooked jaw — the man whose history we had just read. "We saved it. It isn't such a bad face, after all."

The worst wounds, of course, do not come to a hospital so far from the front as this — they never leave the battle-field at all. In Turkey, for instance, where travelling is difficult, very few of those shot through the trunk of the body ever got as far as Constantinople — nearly all of the patients were wounded in the head, arms, or legs. On over a thousand patients in this Budapest hospital the following statistics are based: Rifle wounds, 1,095; shrapnel, 138; shell, 2; bayonet, 2; sabre, 1; hand-grenade, 1; frozen feet, 163; frozen hands, 100; rheumatism, 65; typhoid, 38; pneumonia, 15; tetanus, 5; gas infection, 5. Deaths, 19 — septicemia, 7; pneumonia, tetanus, typhoid, 1. It was dark when I started down-stairs, through that warm, brooding stillness of a hospital at night. The ward at the head of the stairs was hushed now, and the hall lamp, shining across the white trousers of an orderly dozing in his chair within the shadow of the door and past the screen drawn in front of it, dimly lit the foot of the line of beds where the men lay sleeping.

Nothing could happen to them now — until they were sound again and the order came to go out and fling themselves again under the wheels. The doctor on duty for the night, coat off, was stretched on his sofa peacefully reading under a green lamp. And, as I went down-stairs past the three long wards, the only sign of life was in a little circle of light cast by a single lamp over the bed of one of the new patients, lighting up the upturned profile of a man and the fair hair of the young night nurse bending over him and silently changing the cloths on his chest.

We dined late that evening on an open balcony at the top of the house. People in Vienna and Budapest like to eat and drink in the open air. Below us lay the dark velvet of the park, with an occasional lamp, and beyond, over the roofs of Pest, the lights of Buda across the river.

Up through the trees came the voices of men singing. I asked what this might be. They were men, my friends explained, who had had their legs amputated. There were fifty-eight of them, and the people who owned the big, empty garden across the street had set it aside for them to live in. There they could sit in the sun and learn to walk on their artificial legs — it was a sort of school for them.

I went to see it next morning — this Garden of Legless Men. They were scattered about under the trees on benches two by two, some with bandaged stumps, some with crutches, some with no legs at all. They hobbled over willingly enough to have their pictures taken, although one of them muttered that he had had his taken seventy times and no one had sent him a. copy yet. The matron gathered them about her, arranging them rather proudly so that their wounds would show. One looked to be quite all right — because he had artificial legs, boots and all, below the knee.

"Come," said the matron, "show the gentleman how you can walk." And the obedient man came wabbling toward us in a curious, slightly rickety progress, like one of those toys which are wound up and set going on the sidewalk. At the matron's suggestion he even dropped one of his canes. He could almost stand alone, indeed, like some of the political arguments for which millions of healthy young fellows like him obediently go out to fight.



The Augusta Barracken Hospital is on the outskirts of Budapest — a characteristic product of the war, wholesale healing for wholesale maiming — 1,000 beds and all the essentials, in what, two months before, was a vacant lot by the railroad tracks. The buildings are long, one-story, pine barracks, just wide enough for two rows of beds with an aisle down the centre. The space between the barracks is filled, in thrifty European fashion, with vegetable-gardens, and they are set on neat streets through which the patients can be wheeled or carried to and from the operating and dressing rooms without going up or down stairs. Trains come in from the observation hospitals near the front, where all wounded now stay for five days until it is certain they have no contagious disease, and switch right up to the door of the receiving-room.

The men give their names, pass at once to another room where their uniforms are taken away to be disinfected, thence to the bathroom, then into clean clothes and to bed. It is a city of the sick — of healing, rather — and on a bright day, with crowds of convalescents sitting about in their linen pajamas in the sun, stretcher-bearers going back and forth, the capable-looking surgeons with their strong, kind faces, pretty nurses in nun-like white, it all has the brisk, rather jolly air of any vigorous organism, going full blast ahead.

We had been through it, seen the wards of strapping, handsome, childlike Russians, as carefully looked after by the Hungarians as if they were their own, when our officer guide remarked that in an hour or two a transport of four hundred new wounded would be coming in. We waited in the receiving-room, where a young convalescent had been brought out on a stretcher to see his peasant family — a weather-beaten father, a mother with a kerchief over her head, two solemn, little, round-faced brothers with Tyrolean feathers in their caps. Benches were arranged for those able to sit up, clerks prepared three writing-desks, orderlies laid a row of stretchers side by side for fifty yards or so along the railroad track.

The transport was late, the sun going, and I went down to the other end of the yard to get a picture of some Russians I had seen two days before. We had walked through their ward then, and I remembered one very sick boy, to whom one of the nurses with us had given a flower she was wearing, and how he had smiled as he put it to his face with his gaunt, white hand. "It doesn't take long," she had said, ''when they get like that. They have so little vitality to go on, and some morning between two and five — " and sure enough his bed was empty now.

A troop-train was rushing by, as I came back, covered with green branches and flowers. They went by with a cheer — that cheer which sounds like a cheer sometimes, and sometimes, when two trains pass on adjoining tracks so fast that you only catch a blur of faces, like the windy shriek of lost souls.

Then came a sound of band music, and down the road, outside the high wire fence, a little procession led by soldiers in gray-blue, playing Chopin's "Funeral March." Behind them came the hospital hearse, priests, and a weeping peasant family. The little procession moved slowly behind the wailing trumpets — it was an honor given to all who died here, except the enemy — and must have seemed almost a sort of extravagance to the convalescents crowding up to the fence who had seen scores of their comrades buried in a common trench. Opposite us the drums rolled and the band began the Austrian national hymn. Then they stopped; the soldier escort fired their rules in the air. That ended the ceremony, and the hearse moved on alone.

Then the convalescents drifted back toward us. Most of them would soon be ready for the front again, and many glad of it, if only to be men in a man's world again. One of the nurses spoke of some of the others she had known. One man slashed his hand with his knife in the hope of staying behind. Even the bravest must gather themselves together before the leap. Only those who have seen what modem guns can do know how much to fear them.

"For a week or so after they come in lots of them are dazed; they just lie there scarcely stirring. All that part of it — the shock to their nerves — we see more of than the doctors do. When the word comes to go out again they have all the physical symptoms of intense nervous excitement, even nausea sometimes." The train came at last — two long sections of sleeping-cars. An officer stepped off, clicked his heels, and saluted, and the orderlies started unloading the men. Those who could walk at all were helped from the doors; the others — men with broken hips, legs in casts, and so on — were passed out of the windows on stretchers held over the orderlies' heads. In the receiving- ward they were set down in rows before the three tables, most of them clutching their papers as they came. Each man gave his name and regiment, and such particulars, and the address of some one of his family to whom notice could be sent. It was one clerk's duty to address a post-card telling his family of his condition and that he was in the hospital.

These cards were already ruled off into columns in each of which the words "Lightly wounded," "Wounded," "Severely wounded," "Ill," "Very ill" were printed in nine of the languages spoken in Austria-Hungary. The clerk merely had to put a cross on the proper word. Here, for instance, is the Lightly wounded column, in German, Hungarian, and the other dialects: "Leicht verwundet, Konnyen megse-besult, Lehce ranen, Lekko raniony, Lecko ranenki, Leggiermente Jcrzto, Lako ranjen, Lahko ranjen, Usor ranit."

A number were Russians — fine, big, clear-eyed fellows with whom these genuine "Huns" chatted and laughed as if they were their own men. On one stretcher came a very pale, round- faced, little boy about twelve, with stubbly blond hair clipped short and an enchanting smile. He had been carrying water for the soldiers, somebody said, when a piece of shrapnel took off one of his feet. Possibly he was one of those little adventurers who run away to war as boys used to run away to sea or the circus. He seemed entirely at home with these men, at any rate, and when one of the Hungarians brought him a big tin cup of coffee and a chunk of black bread, he wriggled himself half upright and went to work at it like a veteran.

As soon as the men were registered they were hurried out of their uniforms and into the bathroom. At the door two nurses in white — so calm and clean and strong that they must have seemed like goddesses, in that reek of steam and disinfectants and festering wounds — received them, asked each man how he was wounded, and quickly, as if he were a child, snipped off his bandages, unless the leg or arm were in a cast, and turned him over to the orderlies. Those who could walk used showers, the others were bathed on inclined slabs. Even the worst wounded scarcely made a sound, and those who could take care of themselves limped under the showers as if they had been hospital boarders before, and waited for, and even demanded, with a certain peremptoriness, their little bundle of belongings before they went on to the dressing-room.

Discipline, possibly, though one could easily fancy that all this organized kindness and comfort suddenly enveloping them was enough to raise them for the moment above thoughts of pain.

As they lifted the man on the dressing-table and loosened the pillow-like bandage under his drawn-up thigh, a thick, sickening odor spread through the room. As the last bit of gauze packing was drawn from the wound, the greenish pus followed and streamed into the pan. The jagged chunk of shell had hit him at the top of the thigh and ploughed down to the knee. The wound had become infected, and the connecting tissues had rotted away until the leg was now scarcely more than a bone and the two flaps of flesh. The civilian thinks of a wound, generally, as a comparatively decent sort of hole, more or less the width of the bullet itself. There was nothing decent about this wound. It was such a slash as one might expect in a slaughtered ox. It had been slit farther to clean the infection, until you could have thrust your fist into it, and, as the surgeon worked, the leg, partly from weakness, partly from the man's nervousness, trembled like a leaf.

First the gauze stuffed into the cavity had to be pulled out. The man, of an age that suggested that he might have left at home a peasant wife, slightly faded and weather-worn like himself, cringed and dug his nails into the under side of the table, but made no outcry. The surgeon squeezed the flesh above and about the wound, the quick-fingered young nurse flushed the cavity with an antiseptic wash, then clean, dry gauze was pushed into it and slowly pulled out again.

The man - they had nicknamed him "Pop" — breathed faster. This panting went into a moan, which deepened into a hoarse cry, and then, as he lost hold of himself completely, he began a hideous sort of sharp yelping like a dog.

This is a part of war that doctors and nurses see; not rarely and in one hospital, but in all hospitals and every morning, when the long line of men — '"pus tanks' we called 'em last winter," muttered one of the young doctors — are brought in to be dressed, There was such a leg that day in the Barracken Hospital; the case described here was in the American Red Cross Hospital in Vienna.

Such individual suffering makes no right or wrong, of course. It is a part of war. Yet the more one sees of it and of this cannon fodder, the people on whom the burden of war really falls, how alike they all are in their courage, simplicity, patience, and long-suffering, whether Hungarians or Russians, Belgians or Turks, the less simple is it to be convinced of the complete righteousness of any of the various general ideas in whose name these men are tortured. I suspect that only those can hate with entire satisfaction and success who stay quietly at home and read the papers.




I remember riding down into Surrey from London one Sunday last August and reading an editorial on Louvain — so well written, so quivering with noble indignation that one's blood boiled, as they say, and one could scarcely wait to get off the train to begin the work of revenge. Perhaps the most moving passage in this editorial was about. the smoking ruins of the Town Hall, which I later saw intact. I have thought occasionally since of that editorial and of the thousands of sedentary fire-eaters and hate-mongers like the writer of it — men who live forever in a cloud of words, bounce from one nervous reaction to another without ever touching the ground, and, rejoicing in their eloquence, go down from their comfortable breakfasts to their comfortable offices morning after morning and demand slaughter, annihilation, heaven knows what not — men who could not endure for ten minutes that small part of war which any frail girl of a trained nurse endures hour after hour every morning as part of the day's work.

If I had stayed in London and continued to read the lies of but one side, I should doubtless, by this time, be able to loathe and despise the enemy with an entire lack of doubt, discomfort, or intelligence. But having been in all the countries and read all the lies, the problem is less simple.

How many people who talk or write about war would have the courage to face a minute, fractional part of the reality underlying war's inherited romance? People speak with pleasant excitement of "flashing sabres" without the remotest thought of what flashing sabres do. A sabre does not stop in mid-air with its flashing, where a Meissonier or a Detaille would paint it — it goes right on through the cords and veins of a man's neck. Sabre wounds are not very common, but there was one in the Vienna hospital that morning — a V-shaped trench in which you could have laid four fingers fiat, down through the hair and into the back of the man's neck, so close to the big blood-vessel that you could see it beat under its film of tissue — the only thing between him and death. I thought of it a day or two later when I was reading a book about the Austrian army officer's life, written by an English lady, and came across the phrase: '"Sharpen sabres!' was the joyful cry."

Be joyful if you can, when you know what war is, and, knowing it, know also that it is the only way to do your necessary work. The absurd and disgusting thing is the ignorance and cowardice of those who can slaughter an army corps every day for lunch, with words, and would not be able to make so trivial a start toward the "crushing" they are forever talking about as to fire into another man's open eyes or jam a bayonet into a single man's stomach. Among the Utopian steps which one would most gladly support would be an attempt to send the editors and politicians of all belligerent countries to serve a week in the enemy's hospitals.

From 'Krieg dem Kriege' in the Tony Langley Archive

About the Author:  Born in Rockford, Illinois, Arthur Ruhl (1876-1935) graduated from Harvard University in 1899, where he was an active member of the track team and wrote for the Harvard Advocate and Harvard Lampoon.  He worked as a reporter for the New York Evening Sun before becoming a prolific contributor to major publications like Collier's Weekly, The Atlantic, Century Magazine, and Harper's Magazine. During World War I, he reported from multiple fronts, including Belgium, France, Germany, Turkey (Gallipoli), and Russia. His impartial and vivid accounts earned him a reputation as an "eye in the storm".  See our Dardanelles Report from Ruhl HERE.


Saturday, January 24, 2026

Through a Looking Glass: America in 1917


The past beats inside me like a second heart.

― John Banville

In this brief, but delightful video,  the America that entered the war in 1917 is captured. Surprisingly, it was produced by the U.S. Mint to sell their WWI Centennial coins.

Note:  If you wish to view the film a second time, you will need to reload this page on your browser.




Think only of the past as its remembrance gives you pleasure.

― Jane Austen

Friday, January 23, 2026

The Fate of the Generals Who Remained Loyal to Nicholas II

 

They Did Not Betray Their Oath
Generals Nikolai Ivanov, Fyodor Keller and
Huseyn Khan Nakhchivanski


By Paul Gilbert

Originally Presented at Tsarnicholas.org

The abdication of Nicholas II, continues to be shrouded in controversy, myths and lies. Modern day academically lazy historians continue to spread the century old myth that the Tsar was betrayed by all of his generals in the days leading up to his abdication. This is not true!

During the February 1917 Revolution, while most all of Russia’s top military leaders agreed with the position of the chief of staff of the General Headquarters (Stavka) of the Russian Imperial Army, General Mikhail Alexeev, that Emperor Nicholas II must abdicate the throne. Among them, was the Tsar’s first cousin Grand Duke “Nikolasha” Nikolaevich (1856-1929).

A fact, which is often overlooked by today’s historians and authors, is that there were in fact three generals who remained loyal to their oath to the Emperor: Nikolai Iudovich Ivanov (1851-1919), Fyodor Arturovich Keller (1857-1918), and Huseyn Khan Nakhchivanski (1863-1919). All three generals had distinguished military careers and highly decorated with orders and medals for their service, duty and bravery.

It was during the February 1917 Revolution, that these generals offered the Tsar the services of their troops to suppress the revolution. And when the Tsar abdicated, and it was time to swear allegiance to the new Provisional Government, these same three generals defiantly refused.

Sadly, the lives of these generals ended tragically. None of them survived the Civil War, and yet they remained loyal to Emperor Nicholas II until the end of their days.


General Ivanov's Story

General Ivanov with a French Military Attaché,
August 1914

The origin of Nikolai Iudovich Ivanov (1851-1919) origin remains a subject of debate, some sources say that he came from a noble family from the Kaluga Governorate, but other sources claim that he was the son of a cantonist. Despite all of these sources, the origin of where Ivanov’s family came from, remains a mystery.

After graduating from the military gymnasium, Nikolai Ivanov continued his military education and became an artillery officer. He served in the 3rd Guards and Grenadier Artillery Brigade, he then participated in the Russo-Turkish War of 1877-1878. During the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905, he commanded a corps and repeatedly showed personal bravery, for which he was awarded the Order of St. George 3rd and 4th Class and a Gold Sword for Bravery. In 1908, Ivanov received the highest rank of general of the branch of the armed forces (artillery) at that time.

During the First World War, Ivanov commanded the troops of the South-Western Front. Later at the end of 1915, he conducted a failed operation by the 11th Army against the enemy’s forces. And in March 1916, he was replaced by General Aleksei Brusilov as the commander-in-chief of the Southwestern Front. Ivanov he was then appointed a member of the State Council, and adjutant to Emperor Nicholas II.

On 27 February 1917, the Emperor received disturbing reports about the civil and social unrest in Petrograd, and that the garrison of the capital refused to obey their superiors. Ivanov was appointed commander of the Petrograd Military District with extraordinary powers and subordination of all ministers to him. The Georgievsky Battalion (aka Knights of St. George), were reinforced by two machine-gun companies, which were placed at his disposal. In addition, Ivanov was to be sent two cavalry and infantry regiments from the Northern and Western Fronts.

The Emperor instructed Ivanov and ordered him to go to Tsarskoye Selo to ensure the safety of the Empress and her children. Military units loyal to the Tsar sent from the Fronts were also supposed to arrive there. Ivanov was to take command of them all at Tsarskoye Selo and from there to march on Petrograd to quell the unrest.

Now it is known that the chief of staff of the General Headquarters (Stavka) of the Russian Imperial Army at Mogilev, General Mikhail Alexeev (1857-1918), and the commanders of the Fronts sabotaged the Emperor’s order on the allocation of troops.

After Ivanov learned about the Tsar’s abdication, he went back to the Headquarters at Mogilev, but was arrested and taken to Petrograd. By order of the Minister of Justice of the new Provisional Government Alexander Kerensky (1881-1970), Ivanov was released. In 1918, General Pyotr Krasnov (1869-1947) of the White Army, appointed Ivanov commander of the Special Southern Army, consisting of the Voronezh, Astrakhan and Saratov corps.

On 29 January 1919, after a short but serious illness (from typhus), the former commander-in-chief of the Southern Army, General of Artillery Nikolai Iudovich Ivanov died in Odessa. 


Continue reading the full article with biographies of Generals Keller and Nakhchivansk 

HERE


Thursday, January 22, 2026

The Battle of Rawa (also known as Rawa Ruska), 3--11 September 1914


James Patton

On 23 August1914, the Austrian k.u.k. (kaiserlich und königlich) army boldly launched a pre-emptive strike in Galicia against the still-arriving Russians. Rawa was one of several individual battles fought in this action, which are collectively known as the Battle of Galicia, a large scale army-level engagement involving millions of soldiers. 

At the beginning of the campaign, driving northward from Galicia, the k.u.k. First Army under General der Kavallerie Viktor Dankl (1854-1941) defeated the Russian Fourth Army of General Alexei Evert (1857-1918?) in the three-day Battle of Kraśnik that started on 23 August.


Click on Map to Enlarge

 Positions of Austrian Fourth Army, Rawa Ruska,
and Lemberg Indicated by Star

To the right of Dankl's army, the k.u.k. Fourth Army under General Moritz von Auffenberg (1852-1928), drove to the northeast,where they met and defeated the Russian Fifth Army of General Pavel von Plehwe (1850-1916), a professional officer of Baltic German descent, in the Battle of Komarów  during 26-31 August. As a result, Auffenberg’s army was positioned between the towns of Niemirów and Rawa Ruska. So far so good.

On Auffenberg's right, the k.u.k. Third Army under General Rudolf von Brudermann (1851-1941) was falling back under the combined pressure of the Russian Third Army of General Nicolei Ruzsky (1854-1918), later known as “The Conqueror of Galicia”, and the Russian Eighth Army of General Alexsei Brusilov (1853-1926), later to be famous as the architect of the 1916 Russian Offensive.

Auffenberg moved his  four corps to the south and turned to the east to boldly confront Ruzsky’s  five corps on 3 September. By 6 September, two corps of Brudermann’s army were were also engaged by three corps from Ruzsky’s army which had succeeded in turning Auffenberg’s left flank. As the battle progressed, the k.u.k. forces also faced increasing pressure from Plehwe’s reorganized Fifth Army, which threatened to complete an encirclement.


Depiction of the Fighting by Austrian Artist Anton Marussig


In turning east, Auffenberg had opened a wide gap between his left wing and  Dankl’s army. By 8 September, the situation for the k.u.k. forces had become precarious, as they were now outnumbered two to one. Nevertheless, they dug in at Rawa and continued to resist the Russian advances, particularly on Auffenberg's northern flank. It was here that the  ‘Child Hero’ Rosa Zenoch bravely carried water to Auffenberg’s men.  (Article HERE.)

Austrian Archduke Joseph Ferdinand (1872-1942), commanding a corps of Brudermann’s army, had only one division available to counter two Russian  corps that were advancing from Komarów. To Auffenberg's north, the Russian Ninth Army of General Platon Lechitsky (1856-1921) had joined Evert’s army in its battle against Dankl’s army, and by 9 September, they were also driving the k.u.k. forces back. To the east, Plehwe's army had taken advantage of the enormous gap between the armies of Dankl and Auffenberg and, by 8 September, they were behind Dankl's army.


Depiction of the Death in the Battle of  Lt. Herbert
Conrad von Hötzendorf of the 15th Dragoons,
Son of the Austro-Hungarian Chief of Staff

On 9 September Auffenberg’s position had become untenable and he ordered his army to fall back westward to the river San, abandoning their defensive positions in the face of overwhelming Russian pressure.

At this point, the k.u.k. Chief of Staff in Vienna, Feldmarschall Franz Conrad von Hötzendorf (1852-1925), finally realized the dangerous situation that his forces were in, and on 11 September he ordered a general retreat. This turned into a rout that did not stop at the river San, but continued for another 100 miles westward to the Dunajec and Biala rivers, not ending  until 26 September. The k.u.k. casualties were estimated at 130,000 (including prisoners), while the Russian casualties were about 34,000. Never again was the k.u.k. army strong enough to launch an offensive against the Russians without substantial German assistance. 


Victorious Russian Troops Ready to Advance

Things soon got even worse. The Russian victory led to the fall of Lemberg (Lviv), while the  Przemyśl Fortress was left surrounded and would later capitulate after a grueling 133iday siege. Over 120,000 k.u.k, Landwehr and Honved personnel were taken prisoner at Przemyśl. Rawa Ruska was re-occupied by the Central Powers on 21 June 1915, during the German-led Gorlice–Tarnów offensive. 

Sources include: World War One Today, History Maps and The Vienna Review


Wednesday, January 21, 2026

The Rise of Billy Mitchell


Billy Mitchell (1879-1936)

By James J. Cooke, University of Mississippi

Forever associated with the rise of American airpower, Billy Mitchell captured the imagination of the American public with his dramatic courts martial in 1925. Known as a prophet, a man who predicted the power of air warfare and fought for an independent Air Service, Mitchell was born in Milwaukee in December 1879. His father was Senator John Landum Mitchell, who was often cold and aloof toward his son William. Billy Mitchell was a good student at the many boarding schools he attended, and when the war with Spain broke out in 1898 he defied his senator-father, who had opposed the conflict, and joined the military.

After the war Mitchell served in Cuba and then in the Philippines, making a very  good impression on his superiors. His service as a Signal officer in the Alaskan wilderness, where he had led the laying of the first telegraph line across the Alaska wilderness, and in San Francisco after the 1906 earthquake  and fire, where he was in charge of all relief work for a large section of the stricken city, marked him as an officer on the rise. After these assignments, he became the first Signal Corps student at the Army's School of the Line (now the Command and General Staff College).  Next, ordered to Washington to serve on the General Staff, he slowly became interested in the new section of the Signal Corps - the aviation section - and he took private flying lessons in 1916. 

As an officer serving on the General Staff, Billy Mitchell could see the conflict in Europe from a special vantage point, and he felt that eventually the United States would be drawn into the war despite President Wilson's promise that the country would not be involved. He was correct in his assumptions, and a month before the U.S. declared war on Germany on 6 April 1917 Mitchell was dispatched to Paris as an observer with special emphasis on the development of the air arms of the British and the French.


Mitchell (L) in 1898

There was no better choice than Billy Mitchell because he was a flyer, fluent in French, as well as a bon vivant who enjoyed Paris life. But all was not dinners at Maxim's or strolls along the Champs Elysees. Mitchell threw himself into his work and went to the front, actually flying with the French over the front. 

On 20 April 1917 Mitchell left Paris for French headquarters at Chalons and began his work. Billy Mitchell had always been a very literate officer, and he began to keep a detailed diary of his learning experiences. It is from this diary that one can see the evolution of Mitchell's thoughts, which would eventually have a great impact on the development of the U.S. Air Service in France and American Airpower in the 20th Century. 

When Pershing began his 1916-1917 punitive expedition in Mexico he had one Aero Squadron and was impressed with the observation potential of the air arm, if it could be called that. When the U.S. went to war there was not one serviceable Aero Squadron which could be deployed to France. Mitchell realized that everything would have to be built from the ground up. It was a daunting task, and in the first days Mitchell spent a great deal of time dealing with air observation by aircraft and by balloons. He understood that his role there was not just to learn about tactics, and he studied the logistics and the maintenance of the Air Service. On 23 April he observed that the pilot, the aircraft, and the ground crew functioned as one team. Each French pilot kept his own mechanics, and they in turn made the aircraft their personal machine, boasting that their pilot, their aircraft, and their crew was the best. This was morale and unit cohesion at its best, and it was never loston Mitchell. The pilots and the crews had a certain élan, a romantic view of themselves, and this certainly appealed to Billy Mitchell 


In Alaska c.1903

Another area that came as a revelation to Billy Mitchell was the use of battlefield air photography. Mitchell's evaluation was very orthodox, seeing the value of immediate intelligence for the ground combat commanders. After visiting a French bombardment squadron, he commented in his diary that the squadron officers believed that they could hit deep targets, and that, "… there would be nothing left of Germany in a short time." Not yet ready to accept the concept of strategic bombing, Mitchell remained skeptical and restricted his view of bombardment as a part of the immediate battlefield. Of course, his views would change dramatically after the Great War. He grasped very quickly the value of the balloon in observation of the enemy and in directing indirect artillery fire. With real time communications, artillery could rapidly shift fires from one target to the next. His service as a signal officer, and his hands-on experiences in the Alaskan wilderness laying telegraph cable and during the post-1906 San Francisco earthquake recovery served him well.

Mitchell also isited General Hugh Trenchard, at Royal Flying Corps headquarters and had a lengthy discussion with the general. Two areas which Mitchel later commented on were bombardment, a subject which he had fully explored with the  French, and the principle of mass. Long recognized as one of the principles of war, mass was applied to ground combat operations - to bring as much force as possible at a single point. Mitchell came away from the meeting convinced that airpower was best used in mass to firstdominate the air and then deliver a massive blow against the enemy both in close combat and against enemy supply lines, ammunition and supply dumps, and rail links. This would stay with Billy Mitchell, and in September 1918 he massed 1485 aircraft in support of the St. Mihiel campaign. 

Within two months Mitchell was well aware of all aspects of the air war and was ready to be General Pershing's right hand air advisor. The British and French experience on the Western Front showed that the air arm was vital to ground success. Mitchell observed this and adopted what his European hosts showed him, passing it on to General Pershing when he arrived with his small staff in June 1917. 


In 1915

Mitchell met with General Pershing and briefed him on what he had learned from his meetings with the French and the British, and what he had to say was staggering indeed. The U.S. had an infant Air Service, but now was faced with a massive, really unexpected, expansion - the creation of command and control structure for bombardment, pursuit, observation, and balloon units. These newly created squadrons and companies called for trained pilots, ground crews, a logistical system to support every aspect of air operations. Of paramount importance for Mitchell was Pershing's support for this expansion, and Mitchell got it when Black Jack Pershing agreed that there should be an Air Service that was separate from the Signal Corps. This was a high point for Mitchell, who was promoted to Lieutenant Colonel and served as Pershing's Air Service chief.

Coming out of this was an aviation board with Mitchell as the major experienced officer, and its recommendations were accepted by Pershing. General Pershing began to contract for aircraft, coordinate training needs, and establish the main AEF Air Service training area at Issoudun, France. 

On 3 September 1917 Pershing appointed William L. Kenly, an old line army officer as chief of the AEF's Air Service, which proved to be an unwise move. To sooth Mitchell's feelings he promoted him to the rank of full colonel before the age of 40.  But there could be no question as to who was the real aviation expert and who was not. Mitchell was given command of the air in the Zone of Advance as Pershing's real warfighter. He never stopped preaching a gospel of mass and aggressive action in the air. To Mitchell the air arm should never be passive but should be in the air to attack and destroy enemy observation aircraft and then command the air over the front by defeating the German pursuit aircraft. Mitchell breathed aggressiveness and offensive operations into the Air Service.

Tuesday, January 20, 2026

Britain's Jews in the First World War


By Paula Kitchens  


Amberley Publishing, 2019


Reviewed by Michael P. Kihntopf

 

Members of the 38th Battalion, Royal Fusiliers
All-Jewish Unit from London's East End

In my reviews over the years I have often talked about the complexity of the Great War.  Paula Kitchings, who describes herself as a historian and writer, has added a new level to the myriads of tiers that I would not have seen if it wasn’t for this work. Britain’s Jews in the First World War comes out of the author’s work as project manager of the Heritage Lottery Fund-supported project We Were There Too (Website). The project brings together the many threads of British Jews’ contributions (those from the many dominions and colonies are included) in the Great War through existing documentation and interviews with relatives of some of the war’s participants.  

Kitchings makes it very clear that those solders who died in the war are well documented, but those who survived have nearly disappeared, as have those who contributed on the home front in various action committees and foundations. Moreover, women’s participation is even more obscure because of the tradition of changing their names at marriage. I can only imagine how complicated the incident board in her research lab must appear.


Sappers at Work
by Jewish Royal Engineer David Bomberg

Kitchings estimated that the Jewish population in August 1914 was nearly 250,000 to 300,000 in a total British population of 41 million. Of those 250,000 plus subjects, nearly 13 to 14 percent served in the military. She does not include newly arrived emigrés from Eastern Europe in her text. (I recommend War and Revolution: Russian Jews and Conscription in Britain, 1917 by Harold Shukman for that subject, which I reviewed for the Journal of Military History in 2008.) From her research into the British Jewry Book of Honour, published in 1922, she noted that there were five recipients of the Victoria Cross, 15 received the Order of St. Michael and St. George, and 49 were awarded Distinguished Service Orders.

The author deftly relates their stories in an abbreviated form. To complement those depictions, she also delves into the many organizations which existed on the home front which encouraged the Jewish young men to contribute to the war effort. These stories are laced with notations about the discrimination and prejudice that existed toward the Jewish community. I was appalled to read about recruiters (enlistment was still voluntary during the first years) turning away Jews from enlistment because of their religion, including professionals who could have made a difference in caring for the wounded. Overshadowing the rejection was the never-ending unfounded criticism of the Jewish community for not wholeheartedly supporting the war effort even in light of the many articles about Jewish soldiers sacrificing their lives for the good of the regiment, plus fund raisers who assisted families left destitute by the death of a father.  


Order HERE


Kitchens has given the Great War’s aficionados a brilliant work to add to their libraries, as if they weren’t big enough. Her prose is easily read and thought-provoking as well as very revealing regarding Victorian attitudes and how they changed as the war grew bloodier by the month. Expect something more than a dull read.

Michael P. Kihntopf


Monday, January 19, 2026

Three Surprising Numbers from the Great War:     158    &     771,844    &    1,294


158 

is the number of countries involved in some way in the First World War. It includes countries that did not declare war on anyone but may have been encouraged to send troops or found themselves occupied. The full list and some details about the various countries can be found HERE.


Map from ThoughtCo:

Click on Map to Enlarge


771,844

is total war deaths of the Ottoman Empire in World War I. 




(Source: Center European Robert Schuman)



1,294

is the number of enemy aircraft downed by pilots flying the Sopwith Camel. This is more than any other Allied fighter of the war. 




(Source: U.S. Naval Institute)

Sunday, January 18, 2026

Rosa Zenoch: Austrian Child War Hero of the Battle of Rawa



Rosa the Wounded Heroine

James Patton

Children’s heroes from 1914 to 1918 reflected the historicization of the war. German child war heroes, particularly Rosa Zenoch, who was severely wounded in 1914, were seen as successors of the maiden heroines of the Napoleonic Wars, such as Johanna Stegen (1793-1842), who carried ammunition to soldiers at the Battle of Lüneburg in 1813.  In France, the tradition of child war heroes reached back to the French Revolution, for example child martyrs Bara (1779-1793) and Viala (1780-1793), who fought in the French Revolutionary Army. Propaganda organs declared thirteen-year-old Emile Desprès (1901-1914), who was sentenced to death, a victim of the “hereditary enemy” Germany.

Berenice Zunino in the 
International Encyclopedia of the First World War

The aforementioned Rosa Zenoch, sometimes spelled Zennoch or Hennoch, was a young Austro-Hungarian, known as the "heroic girl of Rawaruska" ("das Heldenmädchen von Rawaruska"). At the time, she was well known in her native land for her actions during the Battle of Rawa (3–11 September 1914). Contemporary accounts say that Rosa was 12 years old, making her birth year likely 1902, although some have said that she was older, probably 14. She was said to be from a family who were farming at a place called Byala near Rawa Ruska, north of Lemberg (today’s Lviv, Ukraine). 

In Wigbert Reith’s poetic tribute, Rosa is called a “Polish Peasant Girl” although it is more likely that she was ethnically German and not a peasant. Apparently her given name was Rebekka, and if that is correct, it’s not clear how she came to be called Rosa. This may have been  a local diminutive, a family nickname or just considered to be more “Austrian” by the Viennese press. She had at least three siblings, one of whom was one of the about 138,000 soldiers stationed at the Przemyśl Fortress. 


Rosa Paired with Germany's Child Hero Fritz Lehman

In the heat of the fighting at Rawa, Rosa voluntarily carried water to the wounded Austro-Hungarian soldiers who were hunkering down in rudimentary trenches against a Russian onslaught. While so engaged in this mission of mercy, she was herself hit in the foot by a piece of shrapnel. Medics plucked her from the battlefield, and, along with her mother, she was evacuated by rail to the Vienna General Hospital. 

Unfortunately, her foot became infected and her left leg had to be amputated. Contemporary sources said that Emperor Franz Joseph and other members of the Habsburg family visited Rosa in the hospital and the Emperor is said to have given her a gem-studded gold pendant bearing his royal cipher. Later it was reported that he personally paid for her prosthesis, and her mother was paid an honorarium of 1000 kronen (the annual per capita income in the empire at the time was about 1700 kronen). 

In the iconic newspaper photograph at the top, Rosa can be seen wearing her Decoration for Services to the Red Cross (First Class), with the war service laurel wreath affixed. This honor had been instituted in four classes by the Dual Monarchy only about three weeks prior to the Battle of Rawa, making Rosa among the first recipients. The Austrian Red Cross also issued the stamp-like “Charity  Label” shown. These were a popular source of public support for the society. In the U.S. they were often called “Christmas Seals.” 


Click on Image to Enlarge

Rosa Immortalized


The Battle of Rawa Ruska occurred in the daring Austro-Hungarian offensive called the Battle of Galicia. This turned out to be the high-water mark of the Austro-Hungarian army on the Eastern Front. An article next Thursday will explain what happened there. 

What happened to Rosa after the war is unknown. Although Reith’s poem was widely published, I’ve not been able to find an English translation. Rosa’s death was reported in 1964 in Oleśnica, Poland, a  Silesian city that was called Oels until 1945. 

Sources include: the International Encyclopedia of the First World War, World War One Today, History Maps and The Vienna Review


Saturday, January 17, 2026

The Nye Committee's Pursuit of the Merchants of Death


1935 Portrayal of the Merchants of Death

On a hot Tuesday morning following Labor Day in 1934, several hundred people crowded into the Caucus Room of the Senate Office Building to witness the opening of an investigation that journalists were already calling “historic.” Although World War I had been over for 16 years, the inquiry promised to reopen an intense debate about whether the nation should ever have gotten involved in that costly conflict.

The so-called Senate Munitions Committee came into being because of widespread reports that manufacturers of armaments had unduly influenced the American decision to enter the war in 1917. These weapons suppliers had reaped enormous profits at the cost of more than 53,000 American battle deaths and 116,000 total military deaths. As local conflicts reignited in Europe through the early 1930s, suggesting the possibility of a second world war, concern spread that these arms manufacturers would again drag the United States into a struggle that was none of its business. The time had come for a full congressional inquiry. In early 1934 an expose  was published, Merchants of Death: A Study of the International Armament Industry by H.C. Engelbrecht and F.C. Hanighen. Publications about the same time identified British arms dealer Sir Basil Zaharoff (1849–1936) as a premier example of the species. The term Merchants of Death vividly captured long held views of pacifist and socialist antiwar proponents, so they immediately began using it promiscuously. The further popular embrace of its delightfully slanderous and lurid tone led to a wave of  calls for a governmental investigation.


Senator Gerald Nye of North Dakota

To lead the seven-member special committee, the Senate’s Democratic majority chose a Republican—42-year-old North Dakota senator Gerald P. Nye (1892–1971). Typical of western agrarian progressives, Nye energetically opposed U.S. involvement in foreign wars. He promised, “When the Senate investigation is over, we shall see that war and preparation for war is not a matter of national honor and national defense, but a matter of profit for the few.”  Nye and his committee would become forever linked to the Merchants of Death despite the fact the expression does not appear in the committee's official records or final report.

Over the next 18 months, the Nye Committee held 93 hearings, questioning more than 200 witnesses, including J. P. Morgan, Jr., and Pierre du Pont. Committee members found little hard evidence of an active conspiracy among arms makers, yet the panel’s reports did little to weaken the popular prejudice against “greedy munitions interests.”

The investigation came to an abrupt end early in 1936. The Senate cut off committee funding after Chairman Nye blundered into an attack on the late Democratic president Woodrow Wilson. Nye suggested that Wilson had withheld essential information from Congress as it considered a declaration of war. Democratic leaders, including Appropriations Committee chairman Carter Glass of Virginia, unleashed a furious response against Nye for “dirt-daubing the sepulcher of Woodrow Wilson.” Standing before cheering colleagues in a packed Senate Chamber, Glass slammed his fist onto his desk until blood dripped from his knuckles.


Sir Basil Zaharoff—First Identified Merchant of Death
(Portrayed by Leo McKern in Reilly, Ace of Spies)

Although the Nye Committee failed to achieve its goal of nationalizing the arms industry, it inspired three congressional neutrality acts in the mid-1930s that signaled profound American opposition to overseas involvement.

Sources:  The U.S. Senate and State Department Websites