Now all roads lead to France and heavy is the tread
Of the living; but the dead returning lightly dance.
Edward Thomas, Roads

Friday, June 20, 2025

The Mysterious Loss of the USS Cyclops



One of the mysteries of the war is the disappearance of the collier USS Cyclops.  The 540-feet-long and 65-feet-wide vessel was built in Philadelphia and commissioned on 1 May 1917. The ship was a Proteus-class collier—the only ship of its class—and could carry 12,500 tons of coal while making 15 knots with her twin screws. Prior to World War I, the collier supported U.S. warships in European waters, off the Atlantic seaboard and in the Caribbean as a unit of the Naval Auxiliary Force.  

The Cyclops's final mission was to transport 9,960 tons of coal from her home port in Norfolk, Virginia, to Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, and bring back 11,000 tons of manganese ore. She departed on 9 January 1918 and arrived in Rio on 28 January, where she stayed for two weeks unloading and loading cargo. On 15 February, 309 souls departed for Bahia, Brazil, the only scheduled stop before Baltimore, Maryland. Two days later, at 1800 on 22 February, the ship embarked for Maryland; she was expected to arrive on 13 March. The last known location of the Cyclops was an unplanned stop made at Barbados on 3 March, with 1,800 nautical miles (nm) to go on a 4,844 nm journey.

Click on Map to Enlarge
Last Voyage of USS Cyclops

Somewhere and sometime afterward, Cyclops disappeared with all hands. Numerous ships sailed to locate the collier, as she was thought to have been sunk by a German submarine. Her wreck has never been found, and the cause of her loss remains unknown. Later records, however, indicated there were no German U-boats in the area during the time frame:

Many other theories have arisen over the years, including:

1. Poor seamanship by Captain Worley, who was described as a very indifferent seaman and a poor, overly cautious navigator.

2.  Improper storage of the manganese ore or overloading.

3.  Catastrophic engine or hull failure which resulted in rapid sinking before lifeboats could be deployed.

4.  Cyclops had a history of trouble with extreme rolls.

5.  Storm conditions in combination with any of the above


The wreck of USS Cyclops has never been discovered and the mystery of its sinking never resolved.

Sources:  Articles from the National Museum of the U.S. Navy, U.S. Naval Institute, and the U.S. Naval History Foundation

Thursday, June 19, 2025

More World War One Etymology


"Tank" (n.2): An armored, gun-mounted vehicle
moving on continuous articulated tracks, late 1915


I've discovered a website that's full of fun.  It's called Etymonline.com.  It provides the history, evolution, and popularization of words, and I've discovered it has nice discussions of some of our favorite WWI-connected words and expressions. Here are some of my favorite World War I entries.


1.  Boche (n.)
"German soldier in World War I," 1914, perhaps from French slang boche "rascal," applied to the Germans; a word of unknown origin. Another theory traces it to French Allemand "German," in eastern French Al(le)moche, altered contemptuously to Alboche by association with caboche, a slang word for "head," literally "cabbage" (compare tete de boche, French for "German" in an 1887 slang dictionary). None of the French terms is older than mid-19th c.

2.  cootie (n.)
"body louse," 1917, British World War I slang, earlier in nautical use, said to be from Malay (Austronesian) kutu, the name of some parasitic, biting insect.

3.  conk (v.)
as in conk out, 1918, coined by World War I [American] airmen, perhaps in imitation of the sound of a stalling motor, reinforced by conk (v.) "hit on the head," originally "punch in the nose" (1821), from conk (n.), slang for "nose" (1812), perhaps from fancied resemblance of the nose to a conch (pronounced "conk") shell. Perhaps also imitative: Compare Greek konk, a syllable representing the sound made by a pebble striking the bottom of the (metal) voting urn [William Smith, Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities].

4. home front (n.)
also homefront, 1918, from home (n.) + front (n.) in the military sense. A term from World War I; popularized (if not coined) by the agencies running the U.S. propaganda effort.

The battle front in Europe is not the only American front. There is a home front, and our people at home should be as patriotic as our men in uniform in foreign lands. [promotion for the Fourth Liberty Loan appearing in U.S. magazines, fall 1918]

5. gold-brick (n.)
"gold in the form of a brick," 1853, from gold (adj.) + brick (n.). Meaning "shirker" is from 1914, World War I armed forces slang, from earlier verb meaning "to swindle, cheat" (1902) from the old con game of selling spurious "gold" bricks (attested by 1881).

6. scrounge (v.)
"to acquire by irregular means," 1915, an alteration of dialectal scrunge "to search stealthily, rummage, pilfer" (1909), which is of uncertain origin. OED reports it probably altered from dialectal scringe "to pry about." Or perhaps it is related to (or a variant of) scrouge, scrooge "push, jostle" (1755, also Cockney slang for "a crowd"), which are probably suggestive of screw, squeeze, etc. Scrounge was popularized in the military during World War I, frequently as a euphemism for "steal." Related: Scrounged; scrounger; scrounging.

7. S.O.L.
initialism (acronym) from shit out of luck (though sometimes euphemised), 1917, World War I military slang. "Applicable to everything from death to being late for mess" [Russell Lord, "Captain Boyd's Battery, A.E.F.," c. 1920]

8.  strafe (v.)
1915, "punish, attack, bomb heavily," picked up by British soldiers in colloquial or humorous use, from German strafen "to punish" (from Proto-Germanic *stræf-) as used in the slogan Gott strafe England "May God punish England," current in Germany c. 1914–16 at the start of World War I. The word was used in English at first for any kind of attack; the meaning "shoot up ground positions from low-flying aircraft" emerged as the main sense by 1942, during the next war. Related: Strafed; strafing.

9. tank (n.2)
"armored, gun-mounted vehicle moving on continuous articulated tracks," late 1915; a special use of tank (n.1).

In Tanks in the Great War [1920], Brevet Col. J.F.C. Fuller quotes a memorandum of the Committee of Imperial Defence dated Dec. 24, 1915, recommending the proposed "caterpillar machine-gun destroyer" machines be entrusted to an organization "which, for secrecy, shall be called the 'Tank Supply Committee,' . . ."

In a footnote, Fuller writes, "This is the first appearance of the word 'tank' in the history of the machine." He writes that "cistern" and "reservoir" also were put forth as possible cover names, "all of which were applicable to the steel-like structure of the machines in the early stages of manufacture. Because it was less clumsy and monosyllabic, the name 'tank' was decided on."

Tanks first saw action at Pozieres ridge on the Western Front, 15 September 1916, and the name quickly was picked up by the soldiers. "Tank-trap" attested from 1920.

10.  toot sweet (adv.)
"right away, promptly," 1917, American English, representing U.S. soldiers' mangled adaptation of French tout de suite "immediately, at once" (de suite = "in sequence"),

Bonus Entry:

World War (n.)
attested by 1898 as a speculation.

If through fear of entangling alliances the United States should return the Philippines to Spain, Mr. Page asserted that the predatory nations would swoop down upon them and a world war would result. [New York Times, 16 December 1898]

Applied to the first one almost as soon as it began in 1914 ("England has Thrown Lot with France in World War"—headline, Pittsburgh Press, 2 August 1914). World War I was coined 1939, replacing Great War as the most common name for it; First World War, World War II, and Second World War all also are from 1939.

Old English had woruldgewinn, woruldgefeoht, both of which might be translated "world war," but with "world" in the sense of "earthly, secular."












Wednesday, June 18, 2025

When Lithuanians and the Poles Fought—The Former Allies Were Involved on Both Sides


Lithuanian Soldiers in the Forest of Vievis

The Lithuanian-Polish War 

15 July 1920–30 November 1920

Originally presented at GlobalSecurity.org, December 2018

Lithuanian troops trained and armed by the British fought Polish troops trained and armed by the French. There were Americans in both the opposing armies. The Lithuanians demanded complete independence from Poland as well as Russia, but the Poles claimed that the ancient union of the two kingdoms in 1386, when Prince Jagiello of Lithuania married Queen Yadviga of Poland, had never been dissolved.

In 1919 the Polish armies in their northeastern movement occupied considerable Lithuanian territory, including Vilna, the capital of Lithuania. The Lithuanians complained to the Supreme Council of the Allies against the encroachments of the Poles and accused them of killing off or driving out the Lithuanian population and closing their schools and churches. But the Council took no action on the alleged atrocities and General Foch decided that the Poles had a right to use Vilna as a base in their campaign against the Bolsheviki.

Once the Poles got the Russians on the run they were again occupying Lithuania. According to the Warsaw despatches, the Polish troops that entered Augustewo "were enthusiastically received by the population" and the Lithuanian soldiers were friendly. But the Kovno despatches giving the Lithuanian version of events said that the people took up arms against the invaders and that the Lithuanian forces drove them out of the surrounding country, taking many prisoners and much material.

Lithuania by her 12 July 1920 treaty with Soviet Russia was bound to maintain neutrality and the Lithuanian Government held that the violation of her territories by the Polish armies was as indefensible as the German invasion of Belgium. The Poles on the other hand held that unless they occupied this corner of Lithuania their left flank would be perpetually exposed to attack by the Bolsheviki.

A Polish delegation went to Kovno to negotiate an agreement with the Lithuanians as to the boundary line, but when the Polish army crossed the Lithuania frontier the Lithuanian Government charged Poland with treachery and packed the delegation off home. Poland in turn appealed to the League of Nations against Lithuanian encroachments on her frontier and accused the Lithuanians of being allied with the Russian Reds to attack Poland through Lithuanian territory.

The Bolsheviki retained a strip of Lithuanian territory north of the Nieman River in order to use the railroad to Grodno for military purposes. No valid objection could be raised against the Poles for making war on the Soviet forces in this region, but Poles, in sending their cavalry into the Suwalki and Seiny district northwest of this, were clearly trespassing on Lithuanian land, whatever may have been their strategic justification in so doing.


Polish Soldiers, 1920

The Polish Government's proposal for joint action against the Bolsheviks was rejected, pending Lithuania's recognition as an independent state with Vilna for its capital. The Polish war against Soviet Russia continued. Under the Suvalki Agreement, signed between the two States on 7 October 1920, Poland recognized the right of Lithuania to provisional administration of Vilnius and its territory, but this trifling fact in no way prevented her from flagrantly violating the agreement two days later, when the notorious “rebel” General Zeligowski recaptured the Lithuanian capital.

The initial victories of the Bolsheviks were followed by defeat and the victorious Poles, under the so-called "rebel" Gen. Zeligowski, on 9 October 1920 drove the Lithuanians out of Vilna, which they had temporarily occupied after the retreat of the Soviet armies. This incident leading to an informal war between the Lithuanians and Gen. Zeligowski's so-called mutineers, the matter was taken up by the League of Nations, which strove to establish the fate of Vilna and other disputed areas by means of a plebiscite. An armistice was concluded with effect from 30 November 1920.

The intervention of the League of Nations in the Lithuanian-Polish dispute dates from September 1920, and formally terminated in January 1922, after a series of futile conferences at Brussels and Geneva under the auspices of M. Paul Hymans, the President of the Council. This intervention was from the first foredoomed to failure by the obstinate and mysterious obsession, whereof M. Hymans was a victim, that some sort of “special tie ” must be effected between Lithuania and Poland.

In the beginning of March 1921, direct negotiation between Poland and Lithuania under the auspices of the League of Nations, to be followed by arbitration on unsettled points, was proposed in lieu of the plebiscite and agreed to by oil parties. Early in January 1922 the Council of the League of Nations, in view of the rejection of its recommendations by both parties, formally terminated its intervention, and gave notice of the withdrawal of the Military Control Commission, while at the same time it proposed the acceptance of a fifth demarcation line to take the place of the neutral zone between the contending parties.  

Under a policy of "No War–No Peace" the Lithuanian government had steadfastly refused to have any diplomatic relations with Poland after 1920, protesting the annexation of the Vilnius Region by Poland in 1922. The Soviet Union returned Vilnius to Lithuania after the Soviet invasion of Eastern Poland in September 1939. In June 1940, the Soviet Union occupied and annexed Lithuania in accordance with the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact.  A year later Russia was attacked by Nazi Germany leading to the Nazi occupation of Lithuania.

Tuesday, June 17, 2025

“A Way You’ll Never Be”—Hemingway Confronts PTSD

A Way You’ll Never Be

By Ernest Hemingway


Hemingway on the Italian Front

(It didn't yet have the name when this story first appeared in 1933.)

The attack had gone across the field, been held up by machine-gun fire from the sunken road and from the group of farm houses, encountered no resistance in the town, and reached the bank of the river. Coming along the road on a bicycle, getting off to push the machine when the surface of the road became too broken, Nicholas Adams saw what had happened by the position of the dead.

They lay alone or in clumps in the high grass of the field and along the road, their pockets out, and over them were flies and around each body or group of bodies were the scattered papers.

In the grass and the grain, beside the road, and in some places scattered over the road, there was much material: a field kitchen, it must have come over when things were going well; many of the calf-skin-covered haversacks, stick bombs, helmets, rifles, sometimes one butt-up, the bayonet stuck in the dirt, they had dug quite a little at the last; stick bombs, helmets, rifles, intrenching tools, ammunition boxes, star-shell pistols, their shells scattered about, medical kits, gas masks, empty gas-mask cans, a squat, tripodded machine gun in a nest of empty shells, full belts protruding from the boxes, the water-cooling can empty and on its side, the breech block gone, the crew in odd positions, and around them, in the grass, more of the typical papers.

There were mass prayer books, group postcards showing the machine-gun unit standing in ranked and ruddy cheerfulness as in a football picture for a college annual; now they were humped and swollen in the grass; propaganda postcards showing a soldier in Austrian uniform bending a woman backward over a bed; the figures were impressionistically drawn; very attractively depicted and had nothing in common with actual rape in which the woman’s skirts are pulled over her head to smother her, one comrade sometimes sitting upon the head. There were many of these inciting cards which had evidently been issued just before the offensive. Now they were scattered with the smutty postcards, photographic; the small photographs of village girls by village photographers, the occasional pictures of children, and the letters, letters, letters. There was always much paper about the dead and the débris of this attack was no exception.

These were new dead and no one had bothered with anything but their pockets. Our own dead, or what he thought of, still, as our own dead, were surprisingly few, Nick noticed. Their coats had been opened too and their pockets were out, and they showed, by their positions, the manner and the skill of the attack. The hot weather had swollen them all alike regardless of nationality.

The town had evidently been defended, at the last, from the line of the sunken road and there had been few or no Austrians to fall back into it. There were only three bodies in the street and they looked to have been killed running. The houses of the town were broken by the shelling and the street had much rubble of plaster and mortar and there were broken beams, broken tiles, and many holes, some of them yellow-edged from the mustard gas. There were many pieces of shell, and shrapnel balls were scattered in the rubble. There was no one in the town at all.

Nick Adams had seen no one since he had left Fornaci, although, riding along the road through the over-foliaged country, he had seen guns hidden under screens of mulberry leaves to the left of the road, noticing them by the heat-waves in the air above the leaves where the sun hit the metal. Now he went on through the town, surprised to find it deserted, and came out on the low road beneath the bank of the river. Leaving the town there was a bare open space where the road slanted down and he could see the placid reach of the river and the low curve of the opposite bank and the whitened, sun-baked mud where the Austrians had dug. It was all very lush and over-green since he had seen it last and becoming historical had made no change in this, the lower river.

The battalion was along the bank to the left. There was a series of holes in the top of the bank with a few men in them. Nick noticed where the machine guns were posted and the signal rockets in their racks. The men in the holes in the side of the bank were sleeping. No one challenged. He went on and as he came around a turn in the mud bank a young second lieutenant with a stubble of beard and red-rimmed, very bloodshot eyes pointed a pistol at him.

“Who are you?”

Nick told him.

“How do I know this?”

Nick showed him the tessera with photograph and identification and the seal of the third army. He took hold of it.

“I will keep this.”

“You will not,” Nick said. “Give me back the card and put your gun away. There. In the holster.”

“How am I to know who you are?”

“The tessera tells you.”

“And if the tessera is false? Give me that card.”

“Don’t be a fool,” Nick said cheerfully. “Take me to your company commander.”

“I should send you to battalion headquarters.”

“All right,” said Nick. “Listen, do you know the Captain Paravicini? The tall one with the small mustache who was an architect and speaks English?”

“You know him?”

“A little.”

“What company does he command?”

“The second.”

“He is commanding the battalion.”

“Good,” said Nick. He was relieved to know that Para was all right. “Let us go to the battalion.”

As Nick had left the edge of the town three shrapnel had burst high and to the right over one of the wrecked houses and since then there had been no shelling. But the face of this officer looked like the face of a man during a bombardment. There was the same tightness and the voice did not sound natural. His pistol made Nick nervous.

“Put it away,” he said. “There’s the whole river between them and you.”

“If I thought you were a spy I would shoot you now,” the second lieutenant said.

“Come on,” said Nick. “Let us go to the battalion.” This officer made him very nervous.

The Captain Paravicini, acting major, thinner and more English-looking than ever, rose when Nick saluted from behind the table in the dugout that was battalion headquarters.

“Hello,” he said. “I didn’t know you. What are you doing in that uniform?”

“They’ve put me in it.”

“I am very glad to see you, Nicolo.”

“Right. You look well. How was the show?”

“We made a very fine attack. Truly. A very fine attack. I will show you. Look.”

He showed on the map how the attack had gone.

“I came from Fornaci,” Nick said. “I could see how it had been. It was very good.”

“It was extraordinary. Altogether extraordinary. Are you attached to the regiment?”

“No. I am supposed to move around and let them see the uniform.”

“How odd.”

“If they see one American uniform that is supposed to make them believe others are coming.”

“But how will they know it is an American uniform?”

“You will tell them.”

“Oh. Yes, I see. I will send a corporal with you to show you about and you will make a tour of the lines.”

“Like a bloody politician,” Nick said.

“You would be much more distinguished in civilian clothes. They are what is really distinguished.”

“With a homburg hat,” said Nick.

“Or with a very furry fedora.”

“I’m supposed to have my pockets full of cigarettes and postal cards and such things,” Nick said. “I should have a musette full of chocolate. These I should distribute with a kind word and a pat on the back. But there weren’t any cigarettes and postcards and no chocolate. So they said to circulate around anyway.”

“I’m sure your appearance will be very heartening to the troops.”

“I wish you wouldn’t,” Nick said. “I feel badly enough about it as it is. In principle, I would have brought you a bottle of brandy.”

“In principle,” Para said and smiled, for the first time, showing yellowed teeth. “Such a beautiful expression. Would you like some Grappa?”

“No, thank you,” Nick said.

“It hasn’t any ether in it.”

“I can taste that still,” Nick remembered suddenly and completely.

“You know I never knew you were drunk until you started talking coming back in the camions.”

“I was stinking in every attack,” Nick said.

“I can’t do it,” Para said. “I took it in the first show, the very first show, and it only made me very upset and then frightfully thirsty.”

“You don’t need it.”

“You’re much braver in an attack than I am.”

“No,” Nick said. “I know how I am and I prefer to get stinking. I’m not ashamed of it.”

“I’ve never seen you drunk.”

“No?” said Nick. “Never? Not when we rode from Mestre to Portogrande that night and I wanted to go to sleep and used the bicycle for a blanket and pulled it up under my chin?”

“That wasn’t in the lines.”

“Let’s not talk about how I am,” Nick said. “It’s a subject I know too much about to want to think about it any more.”

“You might as well stay here a while,” Paravicini said. “You can take a nap if you like. They didn’t do much to this in the bombardment. It’s too hot to go out yet.”

“I suppose there is no hurry.”

“How are you really?”

“I’m fine. I’m perfectly all right.”

“No. I mean really.”

“I’m all right. I can’t sleep without a light of some sort. That’s all I have now.”

“I said it should have been trepanned. I’m no doctor but I know that.”

“Well, they thought it was better to have it absorb, and that’s what I got. What’s the matter? I don’t seem crazy to you, do I?”

“You seem in top-hole shape.”

“It’s a hell of a nuisance once they’ve had you certified as nutty,” Nick said. “No one ever has any confidence in you again.”

“I would take a nap, Nicolo,” Paravicini said. “This isn’t battalion headquarters as we used to know it. We’re just waiting to be pulled out. You oughtn’t to go out in the heat now—it’s silly. Use that bunk.”

“I might just lie down,” Nick said.

Nick lay on the bunk. He was very disappointed that he felt this way and more disappointed, even, that it was so obvious to Captain Paravicini. This was not as large a dugout as the one where that platoon of the class of 1899, just out at the front, got hysterics during the bombardment before the attack, and Para had had him walk them two at a time outside to show them nothing would happen, he wearing his own chin strap tight across his mouth to keep his lips quiet. Knowing they could not hold it when they took it. Knowing it was all a bloody balls—If he can’t stop crying, break his nose to give him something else to think about. I’d shoot one but it’s too late now. They’d all be worse. Break his nose. They’ve put it back to five-twenty. We’ve only got four minutes more. Break that other silly bugger’s nose and kick his silly ass out of here. Do you think they’ll go over? If they don’t, shoot two and try to scoop the others out some way. Keep behind them, sergeant. It’s no use to walk ahead and find there’s nothing coming behind you. Bail them out as you go. What a bloody balls. All right. That’s right. Then, looking at the watch, in that quiet tone, that valuable quiet tone, “Savoia.” Making it cold, no time to get it, he couldn’t find his own after the cave-in, one whole end had caved in; it was that started them; making it cold up that slope the only time he hadn’t done it stinking. And after they came back the teleferica house burned, it seemed, and some of the wounded got down four days later and some did not get down, but we went up and we went back and we came down—we always came down. And there was Gaby Delys, oddly enough, with feathers on; you called me baby doll a year ago tadada you said that I was rather nice to know tadada with feathers on, with feathers off, the great Gaby, and my name’s Harry Pilcer, too, we used to step out of the far side of the taxis when it got steep going up the hill and he could see that hill every night when he dreamed with Sacré Cœur, blown white, like a soap bubble. Sometimes his girl was there and sometimes she was with some one else and he could not understand that, but those were the nights the river ran so much wider and stiller than it should and outside of Fossalta there was a low house painted yellow with willows all around it and a low stable and there was a canal, and he had been there a thousand times and never seen it, but there it was every night as plain as the hill, only it frightened him. That house meant more than anything and every night he had it. That was what he needed but it frightened him especially when the boat lay there quietly in the willows on the canal, but the banks weren’t like this river. It was all lower, as it was at Portogrande, where they had seen them come wallowing across the flooded ground holding the rifles high until they fell with them in the water. Who ordered that one? If it didn’t get so damned mixed up he could follow it all right. That was why he noticed everything in such detail to keep it all straight so he would know just where he was, but suddenly it confused without reason as now, he lying in a bunk at battalion headquarters, with Para commanding a battalion and he in a bloody American uniform. He sat up and looked around; they all watching him. Para was gone out. He lay down again.

The Paris part came earlier and he was not frightened of it except when she had gone off with some one else and the fear that they might take the same driver twice. That was what frightened about that. Never about the front. He never dreamed about the front now any more but what frightened him so that he could not get rid of it was that long yellow house and the different width of the river. Now he was back here at the river, he had gone through that same town, and there was no house. Nor was the river that way. Then where did he go each night and what was the peril, and why would he wake, soaking wet, more frightened than he had ever been in a bombardment, because of a house and a long stable and a canal?

He sat up, swung his legs carefully down; they stiffened any time they were out straight for long; returned the stares of the adjutant, the signallers and the two runners by the door and put on his cloth-covered trench helmet.

“I regret the absence of the chocolate, the postal-cards and cigarettes,” he said. “I am, however, wearing the uniform.”

“The major is coming back at once,” the adjutant said. In that army an adjutant is not a commissioned officer.

“The uniform is not very correct,” Nick told them. “But it gives you the idea. There will be several millions of Americans here shortly.”

“Do you think they will send Americans down here?” asked the adjutant.

“Oh, absolutely. Americans twice as large as myself, healthy, with clean hearts, sleep at night, never been wounded, never been blown up, never had their heads caved in, never been scared, don’t drink, faithful to the girls they left behind them, many of them never had crabs, wonderful chaps. You’ll see.”

“Are you an Italian?” asked the adjutant.

“No, American. Look at the uniform. Spagnolini made it but it’s not quite correct.”

“A North or South American?”

“North,” said Nick. He felt it coming on now. He would quiet down.

“But you speak Italian.”

“Why not? Do you mind if I speak Italian? Haven’t I a right to speak Italian?”

“You have Italian medals.”

“Just the ribbons and the papers. The medals come later. Or you give them to people to keep and the people go away; or they are lost with your baggage. You can purchase others in Milan. It is the papers that are of importance. You must not feel badly about them. You will have some yourself if you stay at the front long enough.”

“I am a veteran of the Eritrea campaign,” said the adjutant stiffly. “I fought in Tripoli.”

“It’s quite something to have met you,” Nick put out his hand. “Those must have been trying days. I noticed the ribbons. Were you, by any chance, on the Carso?”

“I have just been called up for this war. My class was too old.”

“At one time I was under the age limit,” Nick said. “But now I am reformed out of the war.”

“But why are you here now?”

“I am demonstrating the American uniform,” Nick said. “Don’t you think it is very significant? It is a little tight in the collar but soon you will see untold millions wearing this uniform swarming like locusts. The grasshopper, you know, what we call the grasshopper in America, is really a locust. The true grasshopper is small and green and comparatively feeble. You must not, however, make a confusion with the seven-year locust or cicada which emits a peculiar sustained sound which at the moment I cannot recall. I try to recall it but I cannot. I can almost hear it and then it is quite gone. You will pardon me if I break off our conversation?”

“See if you can find the major,” the adjutant said to one of the two runners. “I can see you have been wounded,” he said to Nick.

“In various places,” Nick said. “If you are interested in scars I can show you some very interesting ones but I would rather talk about grasshoppers. What we call grasshoppers that is; and what are, really, locusts. These insects at one time played a very important part in my life. It might interest you and you can look at the uniform while I am talking.”

The adjutant made a motion with his hand to the second runner who went out.

“Fix your eyes on the uniform. Spagnolini made it, you know. You might as well look, too,” Nick said to the signallers. “I really have no rank. We’re under the American consul. It’s perfectly all right for you to look. You can stare, if you like. I will tell you about the American locust. We always preferred one that we called the medium-brown. They last the best in the water and fish prefer them. The larger ones that fly making a noise somewhat similar to that produced by a rattlesnake rattling his rattlers, a very dry sound, have vivid colored wings, some are bright red, others yellow barred with black, but their wings go to pieces in the water and they make a very blowsy bait, while the medium-brown is a plump, compact, succulent hopper that I can recommend as far as one may well recommend something you gentlemen will probably never encounter. But I must insist that you will never gather a sufficient supply of these insects for a day’s fishing by pursuing them with your hands or trying to hit them with a bat. That is sheer nonsense and a useless waste of time. I repeat, gentlemen, that you will get nowhere at it. The correct procedure, and one which should be taught all young officers at every small-arms course if I had anything to say about it, and who knows but what I will have, is the employment of a seine or net made of common mosquito netting. Two officers holding this length of netting at alternate ends, or let us say one at each end, stoop, hold the bottom extremity of the net in one hand and the top extremity in the other and run into the wind. The hoppers, flying with the wind, fly against the length of netting and are imprisoned in its folds. It is no trick at all to catch a very great quantity indeed, and no officer, in my opinion, should be without a length of mosquito netting suitable for the improvisation of one of these grasshopper seines. I hope I have made myself clear, gentlemen. Are there any questions? If there is anything in the course you do not understand please ask questions. Speak up. None? Then I would like to close on this note. In the words of that great soldier and gentleman, Sir Henry Wilson: Gentlemen, either you must govern or you must be governed. Let me repeat it. Gentlemen, there is one thing I would like to have you remember. One thing I would like you to take with you as you leave this room. Gentlemen, either you must govern—or you must be governed. That is all, gentlemen. Good-day.”

He removed his cloth-covered helmet, put it on again and, stooping, went out the low entrance of the dugout. Para, accompanied by the two runners, was coming down the line of the sunken road. It was very hot in the sun and Nick removed the helmet.

“There ought to be a system for wetting these things,” he said.

“I shall wet this one in the river.” He started up the bank.

“Nicolo,” Paravicini called. “Nicolo. Where are you going?”

“I don’t really have to go.” Nick came down the slope, holding the helmet in his hands. “They’re a damned nuisance wet or dry. Do you wear yours all the time?”

“All the time,” said Para. “It’s making me bald. Come inside.”

Inside Para told him to sit down.

“You know they’re absolutely no damned good,” Nick said. “I remember when they were a comfort when we first had them, but I’ve seen them full of brains too many times.”

“Nicolo,” Para said. “I think you should go back. I think it would be better if you didn’t come up to the line until you had those supplies. There’s nothing here for you to do. If you move around, even with something worth giving away, the men will group and that invites shelling. I won’t have it.”

“I know it’s silly,” Nick said. “It wasn’t my idea. I heard the brigade was here so I thought I would see you or some one else I knew. I could have gone to Zenzon or to San Dona. I’d like to go to San Dona to see the bridge again.”

“I won’t have you circulating around to no purpose,” Captain Paravicini said.

“All right,” said Nick. He felt it coming on again.

“You understand?”

“Of course,” said Nick. He was trying to hold it in.

“Anything of that sort should be done at night.”

“Naturally,” said Nick. He knew he could not stop it now.

“You see, I am commanding the battalion,” Para said.

“And why shouldn’t you be?” Nick said. Here it came. “You can read and write, can’t you?”

“Yes,” said Para gently.

“The trouble is you have a damned small battalion to command. As soon as it gets to strength again they’ll give you back your company. Why don’t they bury the dead? I’ve seen them now. I don’t care about seeing them again. They can bury them any time as far as I’m concerned and it would be much better for you. You’ll all get bloody sick.”

“Where did you leave your bicycle?”

“Inside the last house.”

“Do you think it will be all right?”

“Don’t worry,” Nick said. “I’ll go in a little while.”

“Lie down a little while, Nicolo.”

“All right.”

He shut his eyes, and in place of the man with the beard who looked at him over the sights of the rifle, quite calmly before squeezing off, the white flash and clublike impact, on his knees, hot-sweet choking, coughing it onto the rock while they went past him, he saw a long, yellow house with a low stable and the river much wider than it was and stiller. “Christ,” he said, “I might as well go.”

He stood up.

“I’m going, Para,” he said. “I’ll ride back now in the afternoon. If any supplies have come I’ll bring them down tonight. If not I’ll come at night when I have something to bring.”

“It is still hot to ride,” Captain Paravicini said.

“You don’t need to worry,” Nick said. “I’m all right now for quite a while. I had one then but it was easy. They’re getting much better. I can tell when I’m going to have one because I talk so much.”

“I’ll send a runner with you.”

“I’d rather you didn’t. I know the way.”

“You’ll be back soon?”

“Absolutely.”

“Let me send——”

“No,” said Nick. “As a mark of confidence.”

“Well, Ciaou then.”

“Ciaou,” said Nick. He started back along the sunken road toward where he had left the bicycle. In the afternoon the road would be shady once he had passed the canal. Beyond that there were trees on both sides that had not been shelled at all. It was on that stretch that, marching, they had once passed the Terza Savoia cavalry regiment ridng in the snow with their lances. The horses’ breath made plumes in the cold air. No, that was somewhere else. Where was that?

“I’d better get to that damned bicycle,” Nick said to himself. “I don’t want to lose the way to Fornaci.”

_________________________________

Editor's Note: If you haven't discovered Hemingway's unique style (or have an aversion to it), it has seemed to me the most powerful and interesting examples are in his short stories. This collection of his very best—in which “A Way You’ll Never Be” appears—is recommended. MH


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Monday, June 16, 2025

Weapons of War: Louis Renault’s FT, the Little Tank That Could


An FT-17 Tank at the Glade of the Armistice,  Compiègne


By James Patton

After the frenetic activity of the first six months of the First World War, the Allies saw that the Germans were building very strong fortifications in their lines. These featured extensive use of reinforced concrete and the construction of Stellung, or strong points, that could repel frontal assaults. In due time, the idea arose that the way to break through these defenses might be to employ a swarm of mobile mini-forts to lead the attack. 

Born into a wealthy family, Louis Renault (1877–1944) and his brothers Marcel (1873–1903) and Fernande (1864–1909) founded the firm Renault Frères  in 1899, which quickly became the largest automobile manufacturer in France, specializing in taxi cabs, of which they were also the largest manufacturer in the world. Renault taxi cabs became famous due to their use in the “Miracle of the Marne” transfer of troops from the Paris garrison to attack the German flank in September, 1914. 

Louis was the designer and engineer, the brains of the business, as Fernande was a salesman and Marcel a bookkeeper. In 1909, Louis became the sole owner as well, and the firm was incorporated as Les  Société des Automobiles Renault.

In 1915 the Renault firm was solicited to produce one of the new combat vehicles that the British had code-named "tanks"; the armaments and steel giant Schneider-Creusot had already signed on board. But what the generals wanted Louis deemed impossible. The desired tank would carry artillery and bristle with machine guns, requiring a large crew. Louis knew that the available engines weren’t powerful enough. He determined that the horsepower to metric ton ratio (HP/MT) should be at least 7 to 1, and the designs being developed were far lower than that. Louis felt that under-powered tanks would move too slowly and break down too often, so he passed on the procurement.

Louis Renault at the Turn of the Century

Eventually he was persuaded to take another look. The heavy tanks had performed pretty much the way he thought they would, and had thus far failed to play a significant role. However, tactical thinking was changing after the disastrous failure of frontal assaults, and there were now proponents of infiltration attacks that would probe for weakness rather than try to crack the Stellungs head-on. This was an application of cavalry tactics, replacing the horse with a relatively fast and maneuverable vehicle that, unlike a horse, was impervious to machine gun bullets and shrapnel.

Louis was interested in building this "tank." What he and his chief designer Rodolphe Ernst-Metzmaier (1887–1985) came up with was called the FT, later also the FT-17. It weighed 6.4 MT, much less than the  heavies (the British Mark IV weighed 28 MT) and with the 4 cylinder 39 hp automotive engine, the HP/MT ratio was  6.1 to 1, not quite Louis’s ideal ratio, but much better than the Mark IV’s 3.5 to 1. The U.S.-built model, called the M-1917, had an American-built 42 hp industrial engine and  Louis’s ratio improved to 6.4 to 1, so it was 2.8 km/hr faster. Both models had a short combat range of 56 km, which was typical of all tanks at that time. Unlike the heavies, the FTs were light enough to be transported about on heavy trucks or towed trailers.

The FT’s  engine was behind the crew. The internal ventilation was effective, as the radiator fan drew air through the crew area, so the tank was mostly free of fumes. With its Zenith carburetor the FT could operate on a 45-degree slant and with the asymmetric tracks the FT could climb steep embankments, yet it was small enough to go through a fortification rather than having to go over it. In addition to the main clutch, the driver had separate clutches for each track. Since a major problem of the heavies was thrown tracks, Renault designed self-adjusting tension maintainers which significantly alleviated this problem on the FT.

The armament was either one 8mm Hotchkiss machine gun or one Puteaux 37mm short-barreled gun, and either one was mounted in a turret that could be hand-cranked around on a ball-bearing race to rotate a full 360 degrees—no other tank at that time had this capability. The crew was two men (driver and gunner) while the heavies typically had a crew of eight, sometimes more. And, because the combined weight of the engine, crew and armament was so much less, Renault was able to give the FT 22mm of front armor (the American M-1917 model had only 15.25mm), thicker than that of any of the heavies. 

Drawbacks were: the front track wheel suspension was exposed and easily damaged by anti-tank gun fire, changing damaged rear track wheels was a labor-intensive job, and the radiator fan sometimes threw the fan belt.  

The French Army initially ordered 3,530 FTs. The first examples came out in 1917, but they weren’t used in combat until 31 May 1918. The early examples had a cast steel turret, which couldn’t be produced fast enough, so a fabricated steel unit had to be used instead. 


A French Tank Column on the Western Front

By the date of the Armistice, 2,697 had been delivered.  Renault’s firm made 1,850 of these (Schneider-Creusot made 600 of the rest). Overall,  around 7,830 were produced.  About 200 were supplied to the American Expeditionary Force (AEF), who had also ordered 4,440 of the M-1917 from three different American firms, 950 of which were delivered before the Armistice, although none of these saw combat with the AEF. 

The AEF was eager to exploit the offensive potential of the FT, and on 12 September 1918,  Lt. Col. George S. Patton Jr. led a battalion of FTs from his 1st Provisional Tank Brigade in the St. Mihiel Offensive, the first cavalry-style tank attack, which gained significant chunks of territory. At times Patton actually walked in front of his lead tank to guide the column through difficult places.  Two weeks later, Patton again led 144 tanks from two battalions in the Meuse-Argonne Offensive, until he was wounded at Cheppy. Once again, he wasn’t in his tank and, somewhat embarrassingly, he was hit in the butt.

Fast forward to WWII, where the Wehrmacht captured over 1,700 FTs in campaigns during 1939–42 and re-used them, primarily for patrol and police duty in occupation zones. The FT and M-1917 tanks were ultimately used by 28 different military forces in at least 18 conflicts over the period from 1917 to 2007. 

American Tankers with Their French FT-17s

Because of its manueverability, speed and reliability, the FT was so successful that it was copied almost immediately and indeed, spawned a whole generation of small armored vehicles. The first copy was the Italian Fiat-3000, which dates from May of 1919 and was that country’s first mass-produced tank. In the 1920s, the Soviets reverse-engineered some derelict FTs abandoned by the White Russians, and in 1928 introduced the T-18 (also known as the MS-1), a slightly up-gunned copy with a different suspension that saw combat in the Sino-Soviet War (1929–32), but short-range tanks weren’t very useful to the Soviet way of war. Britain, Czechosolvakia, Germany, and Japan also produced light tanks and even "tankettes" (turret-less) in the interwar period.  

There are about 70 FTs  still extant. Eight are in the U.S., including one found and brought back from Afghanistan. Also among these is the damaged specimen at the National WWI Museum in Kansas City, Missouri. Les  Musée des Blindés in Saumur, France has seven, three of which are in running condition, including one  with a modern machine gun, which was captured by French Commandement des opérations spéciales (COS) soldiers operating in Afghanistan in 2007. 


National Guard Renault Tanks Securing San Francisco's Embarcadero During the 1934 General Strike

Over the years I’ve viewed several FTs, at sites in western Europe, the U.S. and even Serbia. For a long time I thought that I saw an FT serving as a "gate guard" to a military base in Iquitos, Peru, but now I’m sure that it was a Czech LT-38 instead (saw one of those in Serbia too). The LT-38 was one of the various postwar models derived from the FT, and the type was used in Peru from 1939 until 1988.

Sources include Tank-Hunter.com, The Tank Museum (Bovington, UK) and Les  Musée des Blindés 




Sunday, June 15, 2025

Zeppelins Over Antwerp: 25 August 1914

 Zeppelin, fly,

 Help us win the war,

 Fly against England,

 England will be burned,

 Zeppelin, fly.

 German Song, WWI

 

The attack on Antwerp (Belgium) on 25/26 August 1914 (depicted above) was the first bombing from the air of civilians in world history, killing 10 people.

By E. Alexander Powell

At eleven minutes past one o'clock on the morning of 25 August death came to Antwerp out of the air. Some one had sent a bundle of English and American newspapers to my room in the Hotel St. Antoine and I had spent the evening reading them, so that the bells of the cathedral had already chimed one o'clock when I switched off my light and opened the window. As I did so my attention was attracted by a curious humming overhead, like a million bumblebees. I leaned far out of the window, and as I did so an indistinct mass, which gradually resolved itself into something resembling a gigantic black cigar,  became plainly apparent against the purple-velvet sky. I am not good at estimating altitudes, but I should say that when I first caught sight of it it was not more than a thousand feet above my head—and my room was on the top floor of the hotel, remember. As it drew nearer the noise, which had at first reminded me of a swarm of angry bees, grew louder, until it sounded like an automobile with the muffler open. Despite the darkness there was no doubting what it was. It was a German Zeppelin.

Even as I looked something resembling a falling star curved across the sky. An instant later came a  rending, shattering crash that shook the hotel to its foundations, the walls of my room rocked and reeled, about me, and for a breathless moment I thought that the building was going to collapse.  Perhaps thirty seconds later came another splitting explosion, and another, and then another—ten in all—each, thank Heaven, a little farther removed. It was all so sudden, so utterly unexpected, that it must have been quite a minute before I realized that the monstrous thing hovering in the darkness overhead was one of the dirigibles of which we had read and talked so much, and that it was actually raining death upon the sleeping city from the sky. I suppose it was blind instinct that caused me to run to the door and down the corridor with the idea of getting into the street, never stopping to reason, of course, that there was no protection in the street from Zeppelins. But before I had gone a dozen paces I had my nerves once more in hand. "Perhaps it isn't a Zeppelin, after all," I argued to myself. "I may have been dreaming. And how perfectly ridiculous I should look if I were to dash downstairs in my pajamas and find that nothing had happened. At least I'll go back and put some clothes on." And I did. No fireman, responding to a night alarm, ever dressed quicker. As I ran through the corridors the doors of bedrooms opened and sleepy-eyed, tousle-headed diplomatists and Government officials called after me to ask if the Germans were bombarding the city.

 "They are," I answered, without stopping. There was no time to explain that for the first time in history a city was being bombarded from the air. I found the lobby rapidly filling with scantily clad guests, whose teeth were visibly chattering. Guided by the hotel manager and accompanied by half a dozen members of the diplomatic corps  in pajamas, I raced upstairs to a sort of observatory on the hotel roof. I remember that one attaché of the British Legation, ordinarily a most dignified person, had on some sort of a night-robe of purple silk and that when he started to climb the iron ladder of the fire-escape he looked for all the world like a burglarious suffragette.

_________________________


LZ-17 On a 1913 Flight

A converted commecial airship, LZ-17, made the attack, dropping 1,800 lbs of bombs this night. The mission leader was Ernst Lehman, who would survive the war, later to command the doomed Hindenburg at Lakehurst, New Jersey and perish that day.

_________________________

By the time we reached the roof of the hotel Belgian high-angle and machine-guns were stabbing the darkness with spurts of flame, the troops of the garrison were blazing away with rifles, and the gendarmes in the streets were shooting wildly with their revolvers: the noise was deafening. Oblivious of the consternation and confusion it had caused, the Zeppelin, after letting fall a final bomb, slowly rose and disappeared in the upper darkness. 

The destruction wrought by the German projectiles was almost incredible. The first shell, which I had seen fall, struck a building in the Rue de la Bourse, barely two hundred yards in a straight line from my window. A hole was not merely blown through the roof, as would have been the case with a shell from a field-gun, but the three upper stories simply crumbled, disintegrated, came crashing down in an avalanche of brick and stone and plaster, as though a Titan had hit it with a sledge-hammer. Another shell struck in the middle of the Poids Public, or public weighing-place, which is about the size of Russell Square in London. It blew a hole in the cobblestone- pavement large enough to bury a horse in; one policeman on duty at the far end of the square was instantly killed and another had both legs blown off.

But this was not all nor nearly all. Six people sleeping in houses fronting on the square were killed in their beds and a dozen others were more or less seriously wounded. Every building facing on the square was either wholly or partially demolished, the steel splinters of the projectile tearing their way through the thick brick-walls as easily as a lead-pencil is jabbed through a sheet of paper. And, as a result of the terrific concussion, every house within a hundred yards of the square in every direction had its windows broken. 


A Private Residence Destroyed in the Bombing

. . .As a result of this night of horror, Antwerp, to use an inelegant but descriptive expression, developed a violent case of the jim-jams. The next night and every night thereafter until the Germans came in and took the city, she thought she saw things; not green rats and pink snakes, but large, sausage-shaped balloons with bombs dropping from them. The military authorities—for the city was under martial law—screwed down the lid so tight that even the most rabid prohibitionists and social reformers murmured. 

As a result of the precautionary measures which were taken, Antwerp, with its four hundred thousand inhabitants, became about as cheerful a place of residence as a country cemetery on a rainy evening. At eight o'clock every street light was turned off, every shop and restaurant and cafe closed, every window darkened. If a light was seen in a window after eight o'clock the person who occupied that room was in grave danger of being arrested for signaling to the enemy.

Source: E. Alexander Powell's report was taken from his 1914 book Fighting in Flanders. Powell published his war journalism in newspapers and magazines such as The War Illustrated, New York World and the Daily Mail and his war books were published by Charles Scribner's Sons.

Saturday, June 14, 2025

Remembering a Veteran: Lt. David E. Putnam, U.S. Air Service, KIA

 

Lt. David Endicott Putnam, 139th Aero Squadron


For a short time, he was called the ace of aces of the AEF, but David Endicott Putnam usually doesn't show up these days in accounts of WWI air warfare—certainly not with the frequency of Eddie Rickenbacker or Frank Luke. There are several reasons I can identify why this might be the case.

1. There is no consensus as to his actual number of victories. This could impact perceptions of the magnitude of his achievement. Various sources report  different  numbers of confirmed kills  by him (although all the numbers suggested are impressive) and he had a huge number of unconfirmed kills. These unconfirmed seem to be primarily due to his willingness to fly missions deep into enemy territory.

2.  His flying time and victories were divided between the Lafayette Flying Corps and the U.S. Air Service. The bulk of his confirmed kills were with the French. For the U.S., all his flying with the 139th Aero Squadron, which included four confirmed victories, was performed in about a month and a half.

3.  Putnam was shot down and killed on the first day of the St. Mihiel Offensive and missed all the rest of that battle and the entirety of the Meuse-Argonne Offensive. Despite his record, which by any reckoning was spectacular,  he didn't spend a long time in the limelight, and other American aces came to the forefront.

4.  With Putnam's death and Frank Luke's fatal gunfight with the German infantry, the way was wide open for Capt. Eddie Rickenbacker to capture the ace of aces acclaim for the AEF.

Nevertheless,  there's what is something of a consensus about the accomplishment's of Lt. Putnam. All of the credible sources agree—regardless of the actual numbers—he was a brilliant fighter pilot.


Insignia of the 139th Aero Squadron


The excellent Aerodrome website has this nice summary of Putnam's service and list of Confirmed and Unconfirmed Victories

A descendant of American Revolutionary War General Israel Putnam, David Endicott Putnam attended Harvard (class of 1920) before he joined the French Foreign Legion on 31 May 1917. Later that year he transferred to the French Air Service, receiving training at Avord. Assigned to Escadrille Spa94 on 12 December 1917, he was reassigned to Spa156 on 7 February 1918. With this escadrille he scored four victories and was transferred to Spa38 on 1 June 1918 where he scored two more victories. Honorably discharged from the French Army in June 1918, Putnam joined the United States Air Service as a 1st lieutenant and briefly assumed command of the 134th Aero Squadron before joining the 139th Aero Squadron as a flight commander. 

With the 139th, Putnam scored his last four victories before he was killed in action. Putnam's SPAD XIII was shot down by German ace Georg von Hantelmann. At the time of his death, Putnam was the American ace of aces. Thought to have shot down [about] 30 enemy aircraft during the war, many of his victories were deep within German territory and never confirmed. Putnam was recommended for the Medal of Honor and posthumously awarded the Distinguished Service Cross. He is buried at the Lafayette Memorial du Parc de Garches, Paris.


At the Time of His Death, U.S. Newspapers
Were Touting Lt. Putnam as the "Ace of Aces"


Since the Aerodrome's article and list of confirmed victories is based on the research of aviation historian Norman Franks and the stalwarts at the League of WWI Aviation Historians, I will use their numbers of 13 confirmed victories and 16 unconfirmed for Putnam as authoritative for discussion here.

The question about the magnitude of his achievement is what to make of the 16 additional claims by Putnam that were and remain unconfirmed. The detailed roster of Putnam's victories provided by the Aerodrome provides some insights. The bulk of the confirmed victories are either in friendly territory or close to the front line. The reverse holds true for the unconfirmed list. By my count, 11 of the unconfirmed were clearly in German territory at the time of the action. This, of course, would make eyes-on-the-action confirmation highly improbable.  Another interesting point—three of the unconfirmed in enemy territory occurred in the same action and had another claimant (and witness), Sgt. Briq, for these shared victories.  

Whatever the actual number,  Lt. Putnam belongs in the upper pantheon of great American military aviators.

Source: The Aerodrome; USAF Sources